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Dame IN: Notre Dame University Press, forthcoming 2007). On Tresham™s
religious agenda more generally, see Sandeep Kaushik, ˜Resistance, Loyalty and
Recusant Politics: Sir Thomas Tresham and the Elizabethan State™, Midland
History, 21 (1996), pp. 37“72; Richard Williams, ˜A Catholic Sculpture in Eliza-
bethan England: Sir Thomas Tresham™s Reredos at Rushton Hall™, Architectural
History, 44 (2001), pp. 221“7; and Kilroy, Edmund Campion.
58. Also recorded as Bost and Boste.
224 Notes to pages 131“4
59. Challoner, ed. Pollen, p. 203.
60. On onomastic theory in early modern England, see Anne Barton, Ben Jonson,
Dramatist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), chapter 8, and Scott
Smith-Bannister, Names and Naming Patterns in England, 1538“1700 (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1997), introduction.
61. Remaines (1605 edn), p. 37.
62. For a Protestant example of a jocular martyr, see the discussion of John Frith
in Jeffrey Knapp, Shakespeare™s Tribe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2002), pp. 169“73.
63. In ˜“We Are Made a Spectacle”™, I argue that, given the suspicious quality of the
name after Campion™s martyrdom, this was less a disguise than a proclamation
of allegiance, and a claim on the martyr himself to be afforded special protection
(p. 111).
64. On pseudonyms and names in religion, see Adrian Room, Dictionary of
Pseudonyms, 3rd edn (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Co., 1998),
pp. 30“1.
65. English College, Rome, Collectanea F, f. 90 onwards, transcribed in Unpub-
lished Documents Relating to the English Martyrs, vol. I, 1584“1603, ed. John
Hungerford Pollen, Catholic Record Society, vol. 5 (London: CRS, 1908),
pp. 345“60 (quotation p. 347). See also Dillon, Construction of Martyrdom,
p. 109.
66. Garry Wills, Witches and Jesuits (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995),
p. 96; P. J. Holmes, Elizabethan Casuistry, Catholic Record Society, vol. 67
(London: CRS, 1981), pp. 64“5. Some English Catholics are given as examples
in Johannes Deckherrus, De Scriptis Adespotis Pseudepigraphis, et Suppositis
Conjecturae (1686), e.g. pp. 85“8, 337.
67. Analysis of the audience™s role at such events is a crucial theme in Monta,
Martyrdom.
68. The OED cites ¬ve examples of the spelling “ three Scotch “ between 1552 and
1651.
69. III ii 255“6. Cf. Julius Caesar, I iii 81; Hamlet, I iii 12.
70. The Bodleian text (generally inferior) reads ˜lives™.
71. The fact that the copyist of this ballad renders the name of William Leigh,
who tried over three days to convert Thewlis to Protestantism, as ˜p[ar]son
Lie™, may indicate that puns on names were not observed only when martyrs
were in question.
72. This has obvious counterparts in heraldic symbolism; for a seventeenth-century
treatise on Catholic heraldry, see Thomas Shirley, ˜The Catholike Armorist™, 3
vols., Queen™s College, Oxford, MS 141“3.
73. Stanley Morison, The Likeness of Thomas More (London: Burns & Oates,
1963), pp. 68“9. Mark Robson, ˜Posthumous Representations of Thomas More:
Critical Readings™ (PhD, Leeds University, 1996), contains extensive discussion
of puns on More™s name.
74. BL Add. MS 21,203, f. 23a.
75. Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999);
this anecdote is discussed on pp. 242“3.
Notes to pages 134“6 225
76. Pliny, Natural History, 22:4, 6“8, quoted from the translation by W. H. S. Jones
(London: William Heinemann, 1951), pp. 298“301.
77. This in turn might have tapped into, and subverted, the popular providentialist
notion that no grass would grow on the scene of a crime or injustice: see
Jacqueline Simpson, ˜Beyond Etiology: Interpreting Local Legends™, Fabula,
24:3/4 (1983), pp. 223“32.
78. For one example of the European response, see A. J. Loomie, Spain and the
Jacobean Catholics, vol. 1 of 2, Catholic Record Society, vol. 64 (London: CRS,
1973), pp. 110“11, describing James I™s fury at Spanish verses about the straw. On
the events surrounding Garnet™s execution, see the forthcoming work of Anne
Dillon (and I would also like to acknowledge here her detailed and insightful
reading of this chapter).
79. Foley IV, pp. 121“2, quoting from Gerard™s Narrative; see also the more detailed
description in BL Add. MS 21,203: ˜a face of a man in glorious maner, havinge
w[i]th all proportions most exactelye, bearde, mouthe, eies, foreheade, and
upon his heade a crowne, a crosse in the foreheade and a starre, and in the lower
parte of his face, as the chinne a Cherub™ (f. 22b). An extensive bibliography
on the topic is given in Walsham, Providence, pp. 243“4; see also her ˜Miracles™,
p. 795.
80. As a point of comparison, see Challoner, ed. Pollen, p. 406 (martyrdoms of
Thomas Reynolds and Bartholomew Roe).
81. If not more so: there are three sixteenth-century references to ˜garneter™ in the
OED, but only one to ˜garnet™ with the meaning of jewel. See also Camden,
Remaines (1637 edn), p. 117.
82. Verstegan to Persons, mid-August 1592, quoting an earlier letter of Garnet™s to
Verstegan: transcribed in Anthony G. Petti (ed.), The Letters and Despatches
of Richard Verstegan, Catholic Record Society, vol. 52 (London: CRS, 1959),
pp. 67“9 (quotation p. 67).
83. II iii 4“5. See Garry Wills, Witches and Jesuits (Oxford/New York: Oxford
University Press/New York Public Library, 1995), chapter 5; H. L. Rogers, ˜An
English Tailor and Father Garnet™s Straw™, RES, 16 (1965), pp. 44“9. Wills
observes that the controversy over the miracle of the straw arose just before
Macbeth may have been ¬rst performed (p. 103). On Garnet™s aliases, see Foley
IV, p. 38.
84. Construction of Martyrdom, pp. 95“6 (discussing William Allen™s An Apologie
and True Declaration).
85. There may be a subsidiary pun here on ˜grain™. Beads, especially those on a
rosary, were sometimes described as grains (from the Latin grana), and blessed
grains “ rosary beads blessed by the Pope “ were among the popish objects
condemned by polemicists (e.g. Francis Bunny, An Answer to a Popish Libell
(1607), p. 34). The OED also cites ˜dyed in grain™ as a phrase denoting objects
dyed scarlet.
86. Verstegan, Letters, ed. Petti, p. 69. ˜Garlick™ is identi¬ed by Petti as an alias:
Nicholas Garlick was martyred some years earlier, in 1588.
87. Cf. the insightful discussions of this passage in Dillon, Construction of Martyr-
dom, pp. 104“5; Peter Marshall, Beliefs and the Dead in Reformation England
226 Notes to pages 137“9
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 243“4; and Geoffrey Hill, ˜The
Absolute Reasonableness of Robert Southwell™, chapter 2 in The Lords of Limit
(London: Andr´ Deutsch, 1984). My own account has bene¬ted from all of
e
these. A more straightforward account of Pilchard™s execution can be found in
Foley III, p. 429.
88. Stonyhurst MSS, Anglia, vii, n. 26. ˜Catalogue of Martyrs, 1587“1594.™ Quoted
from Unpublished Documents, ed. Pollen, pp. 288“9. Gerard™s emphasis is all
the more striking because Pilchard™s name is sometimes spelt ˜Pylcher™.
89. The Great Cat Massacre (this edn Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), pp. 12“13.
90. Challoner and Foley do not use the stories. See comments in Walsham,
˜Miracles™, p. 783.
91. See (for instance) Foley I, p. 392; cf. the exchange between William Allen and
Alphonsus Agazzari discussed in Dennis Flynn, John Donne and the Ancient
Catholic Nobility (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), pp. 107, 216
(note 26).
92. See Edmund Spenser, Selected Shorter Poems, ed. Douglas Brooks-Davies
(London: Longman, 1995), appendix, discussing ˜The Shepherd™s Calen-
dar™, November, line 16; The Faerie Queene (London: Longman, 1980 edn),
p. 591.
93. Quoted from the translation in Pollen (ed.), Unpublished Documents, p. 318,
and alluding to Tobit 6, v.5“9 (cf. Southwell™s The Triumphs Over Death (1595),
fol. E2a“b). Southwell continues: ˜They will come to Peter™s hands, that out
of their mouths he may take the coins of the tribute, wherewith to discharge
the debt that Catholics owe to supreme Caesar.™ The reference is to Matthew
17, v.26, where Simon Peter is told to catch a ¬sh which will have in its mouth
enough money to pay the tax levied for the upkeep of the temple; cf. also
Matthew 22, v.21, and Mark 12, v.17. See also Kilroy, Edmund Campion, p. 211.
94. See Hill, Lords, p. 31.
95. For a Catholic ballad on Tobias and the angel, see BL Add. MS 15,225, fols.
19“20a.
96. See Anthony G. Petti, ˜Unknown Sonnets by Sir Toby Matthew™, Recusant
History, 9:3 (1967), pp. 123“58 (sonnet quoted p. 143). Petti suggests that
this sonnet might refer either to the author or to his father of the same
name, the Archbishop of York; and Matthew Jnr was himself a convert to
Catholicism.
97. On this, see L. E. Whatmore, ˜The Venerable Thomas Pylcher, c.1557“1587™, 6
parts, Southwark Record, 1964“5 (i.e. Sept. 1964, pp. 18“25; Oct. 1964, pp. 16“
20; Dec. 1964, pp. 20“4; Feb. 1965, pp. 21“6; Sept. 1965, pp. 14“17; Dec. 1965,
pp. 21“7), part 5, pp. 16“17.
98. R. H. d™Elboux, ˜The Venerable Thomas Pylcher™, Biographical Studies 1534“
1829, 3:5 (1956), pp. 334“7, referring to L. E. Whatmore, ˜Thomas Pilchard of
Battle (1557“1587)™, Sussex County Magazine, May 1942. See also John Jones,
Balliol College (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 79.
99. Cf. proverb cited in OED: To take sturgeons with pilchards, to get large returns
for a small outlay.
Notes to pages 140“2 227
100. The most recent account of Postgate™s life is W. J. Sheils™s life in the ODNB.
See also Elizabeth Hamilton, The Priest of the Moors (London: Darton,
Longman & Todd, 1980), and David Quinlan, The Father Postgate Story
(Whitby: Horne & Son, 1967). ˜Poskett™ is an alternative spelling. For the
circumstances surrounding his execution, see J. P. Kenyon, The Popish Plot
(this edn London: Pelican, 1974), pp. 204“5, 207, 246, 250, 312.
101. Ward lived at Danby Castle, about seven miles from Postgate™s cottage at
Ugthorpe: Dom Bede Camm, Forgotten Shrines (1st edn London: Macdonald
& Evans, 1910), p. 283. I am grateful to Judith Smeaton of the North Yorkshire
Record Of¬ce and Fr Terence Richardson of the Postgate Society for help with
this section.
102. Englands Reformation (1710 edn), Canto IV, p. 103. ˜Blakamor™ is an old name
for the Yorkshire moors and the surrounding area. A side-note adds further
topographical detail: ˜His Cell was upon a Lingy [i.e. heathery] Moor, about
two miles from Mulgrave-Castle, and ¬ve Miles from Whitby.™ See Challoner,
ed. Pollen, pp. 547“9. ˜Blakamor™ was used by Postgate as one of his aliases
(ODNB).
103. Two texts of this anonymous ballad can be found in BL Add. MS 15,225
(dated by the cataloguer to the reign of James I, and transcribed in H. E.
Rollins, Old English Ballads (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920),
no. 16) and, with signi¬cant variants, in The Song of Mary, the Mother of
Christ (1601). I discuss the latter in ˜What is a Catholic Poem? Explicitness
and Censorship in Tudor and Stuart Religious Verse™, chapter 6 in Andrew
Had¬eld (ed.), Literature and Censorship in Renaissance England (Basingstoke:
Palgrave, 2001), pp. 101, 109.
104. Camm, Forgotten Shrines, p. 289. Camm also describes it as being traditionally
sung at Catholic funerals in the district. Nicholas Rigby was appointed to his
ministry at Ugthorpe in 1827; see David Quinlan, The Whitby Catholics (640“
1957) (2nd printing, Farnworth: Catholic Printing Company, 1945), p. 16.
105. ˜This affecting Hymn gave the ¬rst idea of Printing as (sic) small collection
here in 1805, when our new Chapel was opened™: George Leo Haydock, A
Collection of Hymns (1st edn Whitby 1805; 3rd edn, printed under the title
A Collection of Catholic Hymns, Whitby and York, 1823), quotation from 3rd
edn, p. iv (Postgate™s hymn is printed at pp. 43“5 of this edition). For Gilbert,
see Dominic Aidan Bellenger, The French Exiled Clergy in the British Isles
after 1789 (Bath: Downside Abbey, 1986), p. 57; W. J. Nicholson, ˜Nicholas
´
Alain Gilbert, French Emigr´ Priest, 1762“1821™, Northern Catholic History,
e
12 (1980), pp. 19“22, 32. I am grateful to Alex Fotheringham for the last two
references.
106. Letter to Knaresborough from John Danby, 17 February 1707/8, preserved
in Knaresborough™s ˜Collections for “The sufferings of the Catholics”™: Hull
University Library, DDEV/67/2. Thanks to Kate Boyce for checking this
reference. This attitude can be found elsewhere among Knaresborough™s
correspondents, though not obviously in Knaresborough himself. See (e.g.)
DDEV/67/2, ˜Collections for “The sufferings of the Catholics”™, letter from
228 Notes to pages 142“6
John Yaxlee, 17 July 1707, from Coxhoe, on the origins of the place-name
˜Dryburn™.
107. Camm, Forgotten Shrines, p. 288.
108. Camm, Forgotten Shrines, pp. 298“302. The relics were of¬cially recorded at
the Of¬ce of the Vice-Postulation of the Cause of the Martyrs of England
and Wales (Quinlan, Father Postgate Story, p. 41). See also Hamilton, Priest of
the Moors, pp. 49“52.
109. Hamilton, Priest of the Moors, p. 76.
110. ˜. . . my informant, a good Catholic, seventy-six years of age, who was born at
Ugthorpe, said that she had been told by her grandmother that Father Postgate
was the ¬rst to bring the daffodil to that part of the country™ (Camm, Forgotten
Shrines, p. 291).
111. Catholic Magazine (1838), quoted in Camm, Forgotten Shrines, p. 293.
112. See Dom Aidan Bellenger, ˜Dom Bede Camm (1864“1942), Monastic Mar-
tyrologist™, in Diana Wood (ed.), Martyrs and Martyrologies, Studies in
Church History, 30 (Oxford: Blackwell for Ecclesiastical History Society,
1993), pp. 371“81.
113. Priest of the Moors, p. 80.
114. See The Canonisation of the Forty English and Welsh Martyrs (London: Of¬ce
of the Vice-Postulation, 1970), preface.
115. Postgate was beati¬ed in 1886 (ODNB). On lay ˜canonisations™, see Walsham,
˜Miracles™, p. 791. On the cause of the English martyrs prior to 1929, see the
articles by Aloysius Smith and Ronald Knox in Dom Bede Camm (ed.), The
English Martyrs (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1929), and the article by
John Hungerford Pollen in the Catholic Encyclopaedia, ˜English Confessors
and Martyrs, 1534“1729™ (www.newadvent.org.cathen/054749.htm, accessed
May 2006); thereafter, see Canonisation of the Forty . . . Martyrs.
116. John 8:59.
117. Thomas M. McCoog, SJ, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland and England
1541“88, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Thought, vol. 60 (Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1996), chapter 4, esp. pp. 174“7.
118. See Introduction, pp. 12“13.
119. John Gerard, Autobiography of an Elizabethan, trans. and ed. Philip Cara-
man (1st edn London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1951), chapter 9; Suzanne
Gossett (ed.), Hierarchomachia: Or, The Anti-Bishop (London: Bucknell Uni-
versity Press, 1982), pp. 264“9. See also Michael Hodgetts, Secret Hiding-Places
(Dublin: Veritas, 1989).
120. A priest-hole with wall paintings is referred to in John Barclay™s Argenis (1625),
pp. 12“14 (cited and discussed in Fleming, Graf¬ti, pp. 62“3).
121. The Second Spring (London: Thomas Richardson & Son, 1852), pp. 17“18.
The quotation is commented on by Leo Gooch, ˜“Chie¬‚y of Low Rank”: The
Catholics of North-East England, 1705“1814™, in Marie B. Rowlands (ed.),
Catholics of Parish and Town, 1558“1778 (London: Catholic Record Society,
1999), chapter 11, quotation p. 237.
122. Forgotten Shrines, preface: ˜Englishmen of all creeds have grown more sym-
pathetic of late, as they have come to know something of the true story of
that long persecution . . .™ (p. vii).
Notes to pages 146“9 229
123. English Catholic Community, 1570“1850 (1975: this edn London: Darton, Long-
man & Todd, 1979), chapter 7, section 2.
124. Campion to Richard Stanihurst, March 1571: quoted and translated in Colm
Lennon, Richard Stanihurst the Dubliner, 1547“1618 (Dublin: Irish Academic
Press, 1981), p. 33.
125. The identi¬cation is consolidated by J. E. Bamber, ˜The Skull of Wardley
Hall™, Recusant History, 16:1 (1982), pp. 61“77. Barlow™s head was impaled
and Downes™s trepanned, which may explain the confusion. On Barlow, see
ODNB, and W. E. Rhodes (ed.), ˜The Apostolical Life of Ambrose Barlow™,
Downside Review, 44 (1926), pp. 235“52. Wardley Hall is now the residence
of the Catholic Bishop of Salford.
126. E.g. Edward Baines, The History of the County Palatinate and Duchy of Lan-
caster, rev. and ed. James Croston, 5 vols. (Manchester and London: John
Heywood, 1888“93), vol. III, pp. 291“5; N. G. Philips (artist), Views of the Old
Halls of Lancashire and Cheshire . . . With Descriptive Letterpress by Twenty-Four
Local Contributors (London: Henry Gray, 1893), pp. 47“51 (text contributed
by William E. A. Axon).
127. ˜The Skull-House™, John Roby, Traditions of Lancashire, 6th edn (Manch-
ester and London: John Heywood, 1906), pp. 312“21 (quotation p. 321). This
compilation was ¬rst published in 1829 (ODNB under Roby).
128. Quoted in Bamber, ˜Skull™, p. 66.
129. For instance, in Baines™s account (see above, note 126), the Downes story is
dominant, though an alternative tradition deriving from Barritt is reported,
in which the skull belongs to a priest.
130. This piece of oral reportage is attributed to the great-grandson of a man
who was there when the skull was discovered in the wall: see Henry
Vaughan Hart-Davis, History of Wardley Hall, Lancashire (Manchester and
London: Sherratt & Hughes, 1908), chapter VI. An additional story related
by Hart-Davis, of how a labourer in the early nineteenth century diverted
himself by faking spectral noises by weights drawn across the ¬‚oors,
suggests how supernatural tales can stimulate copycat activity and thus
become self-perpetuating. On the place of hoaxes in stimulating oral tra-
ditions about ghosts, see David J. Hufford, The Terror that Comes in
the Night (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), pp. 13“
14.
131. Manchester City News, 7 December 1895. See also Camm, Forgotten Shrines,
pp. 202“46. Gillow™s account is ampli¬ed in Hart-Davis, History of Wardley
Hall.
132. Hufford, Terror, pp. 13“14.


co nclus io n: o ral it y, t ra d it io n an d t rut h
1. For the full quotation, see Introduction, p. 1.
2. On truth-claims, see Bernard Williams, Truth and Truthfulness (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 2002).
3. See Introduction, pp. 17“18.
230 Notes to pages 150“3
4. ˜How Myths are Made™, chapter 1 in Witches, Druids and King Arthur (London:
Hambledon, 2003), quotation p. 24. I am grateful to Arnold Hunt for
this reference. See also Adam Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England,
1500“1700 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2000), conclusion; and David Vincent, Lit-
eracy and Popular Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989),
pp. 5“6.
5. ˜The “Common Voice”: History, Folklore and Oral Tradition in Early Modern
England™, P & P, 120 (1988), pp. 26“52, revised in The Social Circulation of the
Past (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), chapter 10 (quotation p. 391).
See also Alexandra Walsham, ˜Reformed Folklore? Cautionary Tales and Oral
Tradition in Early Modern England™, chapter 6 in Adam Fox and Daniel Woolf
(eds.), Oral Culture in Britain, 1500“1850 (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 2002). On an early historian of oral tradition, Giambattista Vico, see
Patrick H. Hutton, ˜The Problem of Oral Tradition in Vico™s Historical Schol-
arship™, Journal of the History of Ideas, 53:1 (1992), pp. 3“23.
6. On the effects of post-structuralism on oral history, see Joan Sangster, ˜Telling
Our Stories: Feminist Debates and the Use of Oral History™, chapter 8 in
Robert Perks and Alastair Thomson (eds.), The Oral History Reader (London:
Routledge, 1998).
7. See the discussion by Gwyn Prins, ˜Oral History™, chapter 6 in Peter Burke
(ed.), New Perspectives on Historical Writing (Oxford: Polity, 1991); and below,
pp. 152“3, for the views of Catholic writers on textual interpretation.
8. However, as Woolf comments, there is ˜no reliable correlation between Catholi-
cism and a predisposition to accept tradition in contexts where religious truth
was not at stake™: Social Circulation, p. 363.
9. See George H. Tavard, The Seventeenth-Century Tradition (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1978).
10. The Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation Dei Verbum contains the key
twentieth-century Catholic pronouncement on the interrelationship of Scrip-
ture and tradition: see Ronald D. Witherup, Scripture: ˜Dei Verbum™, in the
series ˜Rediscovering Vatican II™ (New York: Paulist Press, 2006), esp. pp. 57,
74“5, 88“100. See also Yves M.-J. Congar, O. P., La Tradition et les Tradi-
tions, 2 vols. (1960, 1963), trans. Michael Naseby and Thomas Rainborough as
Tradition and Traditions (London: Burns & Oates, 1966).
11. George H. Tavard, Holy Writ or Holy Church? (London: Burns & Oates, 1959),
p. 62 onward. On polemic relating to the idea of the visible church, see Peter
Milward, Religious Controversies of the Jacobean Age (London: Scolar, 1978),
pp. 217“26; T. H. Watkins, ˜The Percy-Fisher Controversies and the Ecclesias-
tical Politics of Jacobean Anti-Catholicism, 1622“5™, Church History, 5:7 (1988),
pp. 153“69; and Peter Lake, ˜Calvinism and the English Church, 1570“1655™,
P & P, 114 (1987), pp. 32“76. The topic was a particularly obvious one to
receive attention in formal oral disputations: for one such, see Robert Dodaro,
OSA, and Michael C. Questier, ˜Strategies in Jacobean Polemic: The Use and
Abuse of St Augustine in English Theological Controversy™, JEH, 44:3 (1993),
pp. 432“49 (esp. pp. 437“9, 443“4, 447“9).
Notes to pages 153“5 231
12. Of the Auctorite of the Word [1544?], f. D8a. Bonner was the Bishop of London
at the time; on his conservatism, see his entry in ODNB. Tavard, Holy Writ,
comments on the inconsistency of Catholic answers to Protestant arguments
(p. 195).
13. See Brian Cummings, ˜Reformed Literature and Literature Reformed™, chapter
31 in David Wallace (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 834“8.
14. For a survey of Reformation and present-day opinion, see John Barton (ed.),
The Cambridge Companion to Biblical Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1998).
15. The Church-History of Brittany (1668), f. ´1a.
±
16. Thomas Bayly, An End to Controversie (1654), p. 92, quoted and discussed in
Tavard, 17th-Century Tradition, p. 132 (who compares it to Newman™s ideas on
the development of doctrine).
17. See F. J. Crehan, SJ, ˜The Bible in the Roman Catholic Church from Trent to
the Present Day™, chapter VI in S. L. Greenslade (ed.), The Cambridge History
of the Bible: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1963), p. 199; Tavard, Holy Writ, chapters VIII
and XII; Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1967), p. 276; Gabriel Moran, Scripture and Tradition (New York: Herder
& Herder, 1963), pp. 34“8, 52“4, 63“9 (commenting on the ˜lack of precision
in terminology™ on p. 93). For a hostile MS response to the Tridentine decrees,
see F. S., ˜Scripture and Tradition™, BL Add. MS 25279 (cited in Fox, Oral
and Literate Culture, p. 407). On Counter-Reformation views on tradition
in the English context, see Alexandra Walsham, ˜Unclasping the Book? Post-
Reformation English Catholicism and the Vernacular Bible™, Journal of British
Studies, 42:2 (2003), pp. 141“66.
18. From Session 4 of the Council of Trent, 8 April 1546: translation taken
from Norman P. Tanner, SJ, Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 2 vols.
(London/Washington: Sheed & Ward/Georgetown University Press, 1990),
vol. 2, p. 663.
19. See below, pp. 157“8.
20. On Catholic approaches to tradition, see Moran, Scripture. On the Church
of England™s approach to tradition, see Henry Chadwick, ˜Tradition, Fathers
and Councils™, in Stephen Sykes and Jonathan Knight (eds.), The Study of
Anglicanism (London: SPCK, 1988), pp. 100“15; and Stanley L. Greenslade,
˜The Authority of the Tradition of the Early Church in Early Angli-
can Thought™, and Gareth Vaughan Bennett, ˜Patristic Tradition in Angli-
can Thought, 1660“1900™, pp. 9“33 and 63“87 in Tradition im Luthertum
und Anglikanismus, Oecumenica (1971/2). See also Walsham, ˜Reformed
Folklore?™
21. This summary of Reformist views is indebted to Tavard, Holy Writ, chapter 6,
esp. p. 86 (Luther); pp. 92“3 (Melanchthon); pp. 106“9 (Calvin).
22. The Eclipse of Biblical Narrative (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974),
pp. 54“5.
232 Notes to pages 155“7
23. Richard Hooker, Of the Lawes of Ecclesiastical Polity, Book I, ed. A. S. McGrade
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 110“11 (quotation p. 110).
24. See Walsham, ˜Reformed Folklore?™, section 1.
25. A Saxon Treatise Concerning the Old and New Testament (1623), f. e2b. For the
perceived Catholic tendency to point to the church as a means of conclud-
ing debate, cf. George Gifford, A Dialogue Between a Papist and a Protestant
(1582), f. 2a. For the acknowledgement in Catholic apologetics of this ten-
dency towards circular reasoning, see Tavard, 17th-Century Tradition, chapter
3. See also Introduction, p. 15, for the argument that unlearned Catholics were
capable of defending their church convincingly in debate.
26. John Foxe™s Acts and Monuments depicts Divine Justice weighing the word of
God against man™s traditions: see Marsha S. Robinson, Writing the Reformation
(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), p. 29, commenting on a woodcut in the 1576
edition, p. 771. See also Walsham, ˜Reformed Folklore?™, pp. 175“6.
27. Quoted from BL MS Egerton 2877, f. 183a. See my discussion of the incident

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