pp. 12, 19.
37. See The Yale Edition of Horace Walpole‚Ä™s Correspondence, ed. W. S. Lewis, 48 vols.
(London/New Haven: Oxford University Press/Yale University Press, 1937‚Ä“83),
vol. 35, p. 153 (to Richard Bentley, September 1753). Earlier in the same letter,
he writes: ‚Ä˜. . . my love of abbeys shall not make me hate the Reformation till
that makes me grow a Jacobite like the rest of my antiquarian predecessors . . .‚Ä™
(p. 146). For Walpole‚Ä™s association of the Gothic style with liberty and the
English church, shared by some earlier and contemporary antiquarians and
following elements of the current Whig ideology, see David D. McKinney,
‚Ä˜Horace Walpole and Strawberry Hill: A Study in 18th-Century Associative
Thought‚Ä™ (MA thesis, University of Virginia, 1983), p. 68; and McKinney‚Ä™s
‚Ä˜History and Revivalism: Horace Walpole‚Ä™s Promotion of the Gothic Style of
Architecture‚Ä™ (PhD thesis, University of Virginia, 1992), chapter 6; for Whig
attitudes to the Gothic, see also Samuel Kliger, The Goths in England (Cam-
bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952). The most recent biography,
Tim Mowl‚Ä™s Horace Walpole (London: John Murray, 1996) brieÔ¬‚y discusses
Walpole‚Ä™s ambivalence towards Catholicism (p. 32). There was a strong anti-
Catholic slant to some of the material by other authors produced at Walpole‚Ä™s
private press, e.g. Hannah More, Bishop Bonner‚Ä™s Ghost (1789). On Sir Robert
Walpole‚Ä™s harassment of Catholics, see J. H. Plumb, Sir Robert Walpole, Vol.II.
The King‚Ä™s Minister (1st edn 1960: London: Penguin, 1972), p. 98.
38. The Castle of Otranto, ed. W. S. Lewis, rev. E. J. Clery (Oxford: World‚Ä™s Classics,
this edn 1998), p. 5. All quotations are taken from this edition. Fred Botting,
Gothic (London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 48‚Ä“54, highlights questions of authorial
disavowal. Fiona Robertson, Legitimate Histories (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994),
discusses the medieval manuscript as authentication strategy. However, on
Walpole‚Ä™s desire to confuse the reader in the Otranto prefaces, see James Watt,
Contesting the Gothic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 25‚Ä“8.
39. ‚Ä˜Afterword: Some Remarks on Gothic Origins‚Ä™, in Kenneth W. Graham (ed.),
Gothic Fictions, (New York: AMS, 1989) pp. 259‚Ä“68 (quotation p. 259). Robert
190 Notes to pages 33‚Ä“8
Miles has argued that Horace Walpole is defending his father Sir Robert‚Ä™s
claims to be seen as the legitimate inheritor of Whig traditions: ‚Ä˜Europhobia:
The Catholic Other in Horace Walpole and Charles Maturin‚Ä™, chapter 5 in
Avril Horner (ed.), European Gothic (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
2002), p. 94.
40. This also owes something to the common folktale motif of giants in castles,
ubiquitous in England as elsewhere in Europe: Castle of Otranto, eds. Lewis
and Clery, p. xxiv.
41. Elizabeth Napier‚Ä™s discussion of The Castle of Otranto in The Failure of Gothic
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1987) emphasises how discord and incongruity co-exist
with Walpole‚Ä™s own contention that the work has a clear retributive scheme
42. See Robert Miles, Gothic Writing, 1750‚Ä“1820 (London: Routledge, 1993), p. 106.
43. Walpole has often been seen as exploiting his own unconscious for imaginative
purposes: see (e.g.) Betsy Perteit Harfst, Horace Walpole and the Unconscious
(New York: Arno, 1980); and Castle of Otranto Lewis and Clery (eds.), pp. vii‚Ä“
ix. In the context of this study, the dreamlike near-parallels between Manfred‚Ä™s
intended divorce from Hippolita and the events surrounding England‚Ä™s break
with Rome may be worth another scholar‚Ä™s attention.
44. For Joseph Mede‚Ä™s similar enterprise, see Dzelzainis, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúUndouted Realities‚ÄĚ‚Ä™.
45. Chapter 8 of the History of Sacrilege describes the experiment; the Walpoles are
cited on p. 246.
46. For references to Spelman, see Correspondence, vol. 16, p. 46 (Henry Zouch
to Walpole, 15 March 1762), and vol. 41, p. 222 (Bishop Garnett to Walpole,
c. March 1772). Spelman‚Ä™s English Works Ô¬Āgure as no. 2065 in Allen T. Hazen,
A Catalogue of Horace Walpole‚Ä™s Library, vol. II (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1969). See also Mowl, Horace Walpole, p. 32.
47. Correspondence, vol. 15, p. 149 (to Sir David Dalrymple, 1 January 1781); vol. 17,
pp. 84‚Ä“5 (to Sir Horace Mann, 5 July 1741); vol. 35, p. 497 (to Lord Harcourt,
[no day], October 1779).
48. Bertrand Evans, Gothic Drama from Walpole to Shelley (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1947), p. 11.
49. The Nebuly Coat, ed. Christopher Hawtree (Oxford: World‚Ä™s Classics, 1988),
50. All the stories referred to can be found in M. R. James, Casting the Runes and
Other Ghost Stories, ed. Michael Cox (Oxford: World‚Ä™s Classics, 1995).
51. See the suggestive discussion of James in Victor Sage, Horror Fiction in the
Protestant Tradition (London: Macmillan, 1988), pp. 61‚Ä“8.
52. Adam Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England, 1500‚Ä“1700 (Oxford: Clarendon,
2000), pp. 35, 216, 219, 240, 256‚Ä“7; Daniel Woolf, The Social Circulation of
the Past (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 290 (on ruined abbeys as
lieux de m¬īmoire).
53. Reproduced and described in Susan B. Matheson and Derek D. Churchill‚Ä™s
exhibition catalogue, Modern Gothic (New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery,
2000), item 4.
54. On the pleasure of ruins, see Botting, Gothic, pp. 32‚Ä“8; and Christopher Wood-
ward, In Ruins (London: Chatto & Windus, 2001).
Notes to pages 38‚Ä“42 191
55. Francis Grose, Antiquities of England (1783‚Ä“7 edn), vol. II, pp. 213‚Ä“14. Subter-
ranean passages became a common trope in Gothic Ô¬Āction: see (e.g.) Elizabeth
Helme, St Margaret‚Ä™s Cave (1801), Frank 174; and Ann Ker, Adeline St Julian
(1800), Frank 217. R. H. Barham makes a jocular reference to it in ‚Ä˜Netley
Abbey‚Ä™, Ô¬Ārst printed in 1842: ‚Ä˜But deep beneath the basement Ô¬‚oor / A dun-
geon dark and drear! / And there was an ugly hole in the wall ‚Ä“ / For an oven
too big, ‚Ä“ for a cellar too small! / And mortar and bricks / All ready to Ô¬Āx,
/ And I said, ‚ÄúHere‚Ä™s a Nun has been playing some tricks! ‚Ä“ / That horrible
hole! ‚Ä“ it seems to say, / ‚ÄúI‚Ä™m a Grave that gapes for a living prey!‚ÄĚ‚ÄĚ (Quoted
from The Ingoldsby Legends, ed. D. C. Browning (London: Everyman, 1960),
second series, p. 173.)
56. See Jenny McAuley, ‚Ä˜Representations of Gothic Abbey Architecture in the
Works of Four Romantic-Period Authors: Radcliffe, Wordsworth, Scott,
Byron‚Ä™, PhD thesis, Durham University, 2007.
57. Gray to Nicholls, 19 November 1764: quoted from Correspondence of Thomas
Gray, ed. Paget Toynbee and Leonard Whibley, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon,
1935), vol. II, pp. 852‚Ä“3 (for another report of the incident, see Gray‚Ä™s letter to
James Brown, [Oct. 1764], p. 843).
58. Cf. William Lisle Bowles‚Ä™s later verses on Netley Abbey: ‚Ä˜Fall‚Ä™n pile! I ask not
what has been thy fate; / But when the winds, slow wafted from the main, /
Through each rent arch, like spirits that complain, / Come hollow to my ear,
I meditate . . .‚Ä™ (The Poetical Works, ed. George GilÔ¬Āllian, 2 vols. (Edinburgh:
James Nichol, 1855), vol. I, p. 21).
59. Walpole to Lady Ossory: Correspondence, vol. 33, pp. 42‚Ä“3. See also vol. XI,
p. 80 (to Mary Berry, 3 July 1790), vol. 14, p. 83 (from Thomas Gray, 22 July
1755), vol. 35, pp. 249‚Ä“51 (to Richard Bentley, 18 September 1755).
60. See John Hare, ‚Ä˜Netley Abbey: Monastery, Mansion and Ruin‚Ä™, Proceedings of
the Hampshire Field Club Archaeological Society, 49 (1993), pp. 207‚Ä“27.
61. Hare uses ‚Ä˜Lewis‚Ä™, but the surname is sometimes given as ‚Ä˜Lucy‚Ä™ elsewhere.
62. Cf. Thomas‚Ä™s discussion of Aubrey in Religion, p. 113.
63. William Gilpin, Observations on the Western Parts of England (1798), pp. 350‚Ä“1.
64. Beauties of England and Wales (1801‚Ä“15), vol. 6 (1805), pp. 149‚Ä“51, referring
to Skelton‚Ä™s Southampton Guide, of which the 18th edition was published in
1805 (T. Skelton is the bookseller/printer). The anonymous editor of the Guide
quotes Browne Willis (pp. 67‚Ä“8) and comments: ‚Ä˜The editor was desirous
to authenticate the preceding narrative, by enquiring of Mr. Taylor‚Ä™s family
the particular circumstance. This trouble a gentleman of Southampton most
condescendingly undertook, and obligingly communicated the result to the
editor, without which, this work had been very imperfect‚Ä™ (pp. 68‚Ä“9). Brayley‚Ä™s
account is quoted in the highly derivative Antiquarian and Topographical Cab-
inet, vol. 6 (1809), and copied, unattributed, by Henry Moody, Antiquarian
and Topographical Sketches of Hampshire (1846), pp. 299‚Ä“300.
65. The Stranger‚Ä™s Guide and Pleasure Visitor‚Ä™s Companion to Southampton (3rd edn
Southampton: W. Sharland, 1851), pp. 33‚Ä“4, 38, 90, 95‚Ä“6. 1st edn undated.
66. For a general account, see Simon Bradley, ‚Ä˜The Englishness of Gothic: Theories
and Interpretations from William Gilpin to J. H. Parker‚Ä™, Architectural History,
192 Notes to pages 42‚Ä“5
45 (2002), pp. 325‚Ä“46. On Milner, see also Bridget Patten, Catholicism and the
Gothic Revival, Hampshire Papers 21 (Winchester: Hampshire County Coun-
cil, 2001). On Pugin, see, most recently, Paul Atterbury and Clive Wainwright
(eds.), Pugin: A Gothic Passion (New Haven: Yale University Press/Victoria &
Albert Museum, 1994); and Paul Atterbury (ed.), A. W. N. Pugin, Master of
Gothic Revival (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995). Also on the Catholic
imaginative antecedents of the Gothic Revival, see Rosemary Hill, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúThe Ivi‚Ä™d
Ruins of Folorn (sic) Grace Dieu‚ÄĚ: Catholics, Romantics and Late Georgian
Gothic‚Ä™, in Michael Hall (ed.), Gothic Architecture and its Meanings, 1550‚Ä“1830
(Reading: Spire Books/Georgian Group, 2002), pp. 158‚Ä“84.
67. Neale believed that Spelman‚Ä™s History of Sacrilege had been deliberately with-
held from publication, and that ‚Ä˜the Devil has used, and will use, all his strength
to prevent the republication of Spelman‚Ä™: Eleanor A. Towle, John Mason Neale,
D. D. (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1906), pp. 126‚Ä“9 (quotation p. 129).
Sacrilege is used as a theme by the High Church novelist Charlotte M. Yonge
in her novels Heartsease (1st edn 1854) and Pillars of the House (1st edn 1873). I
am grateful to Arnold Hunt and Jean Shell for these references.
68. The Greater Abbeys of England (London: Chatto & Windus, 1908), pp. 144‚Ä“51.
The story is given at more length, also in a manner which does not impel the
reader to take sides about sacrilege, in Ralph Adams Crum, The Ruined Abbeys
of Great Britain (London: Gay & Bird, 1906), pp. 88‚Ä“9. The Victoria County
History quotes Browne Willis ironically: VCH, Hampshire, vol. III (1908: repr.
London: University of London Institute of Historical Research, 1973), p. 476.
69. Netley Abbey. An Elegy, 2nd edn (1769). This is much revised from the Ô¬Ārst edi-
tion of 1764, which is shorter and contains no allusion to sacrilege. Imitations
of Gray‚Ä™s ‚Ä˜Elegy‚Ä™ were a not uncommon means of exploring Catholic subject
matter from a variety of ideological stances, e.g. ‚Ä˜The Nunnery‚Ä™, by Edward
Jerningham, himself a convert from Catholicism, in Poems on Various Subjects
(1767), pp. ‚Ä“11; Joseph Jefferson, The Ruins of a Temple . . . To Which Is Pre-
Ô¬Āxed, an Account of . . . the . . . Holy-Ghost-Chapel, Basingstoke (1793); Byron,
‚Ä˜Elegy on Newstead Abbey‚Ä™, pp. 31‚Ä“3 in Poetical Works, ed. Frederick Page
and John D. Jump (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970, repr. 1984). For
Byron at Newstead, see Haidee Jackson (ed.), Ruinous Perfection (exhibition
catalogue, Newstead Abbey, 1998).
70. The Ruins of Netley Abby (sic) (1765), pp. ‚Ä“7, 10.
71. Though if so, manuscript circulation of the revised version would have had to
start very soon after the Ô¬Ārst version was printed (see above, note 69).
72. Paul Ranger, ‚Ä˜Terror and Pity Reign in Every Breast‚Ä™ (London: Society for
Theatre Research, 1991), pp. 64, 156: also (p. 7) commenting on the scene-
painter Michael ‚Ä˜Angelo‚Ä™ Rooker‚Ä™s use of Netley Abbey.
73. Ranger, ‚Ä˜Terror and Pity . . .‚Ä™, p. 64.
74. See above, note 55.
75. Quotation from Ô¬Ārst edition (Southampton, 1795), vol. I, p. 134. The book was
reissued the same year in London and reprinted the following year, when an
anonymous reprint was also issued in Philadelphia. Plot summaries are given
Notes to pages 45‚Ä“8 193
in Ann B. Tracy, The Gothic Novel, 1790‚Ä“1830 (Lexington: Kentucky University
Press, 1981), pp. 184‚Ä“5; and Frank, no. 468 (who comments ‚Ä˜The location of the
major portion of the story in and around Netley Abbey . . . must have evoked
an immediate shudder from the Gothic readership. . . . [Warner] had the good
sense to situate his Gothic materials in an environment already steeped in
76. Poems (1811): ‚Ä˜Stanzas Written Near a Ruined Farm‚Ä™, lines 5‚Ä“12.
77. ‚Ä˜Weston Grove‚Ä™, Part III, lines 58‚Ä“65, 73‚Ä“4, from Dramatic Scenes, Sonnets, and
Other Poems (1827).
78. Poems: Consisting of a Tour Through Parts of North and South Wales (1790), p. 75.
Sotheby‚Ä™s footnote actually reads: ‚Ä˜This alludes to a circumstance recorded in
Grose‚Ä™s Antiquities, and still believed in the neighbourhood‚Ä™; Francis Grose‚Ä™s
illustrated antiquarian study The Antiquities of England and Wales, to which
Sotheby is referring (see note 55), cites Browne Willis. Sotheby was living near
Southampton at the time he wrote this verse (ODNB).
79. Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,
1985), p. 7. On antiquarian interest in Gothic architecture after the Reforma-
tion, see (most recently) Rosemary Sweet, Antiquaries (London: Hambledon,
2004), p. 241.
80. Gentleman‚Ä™s Magazine, August 1805, p. 710. The piece is serialised from June
1805 onwards; the author is given only as B. T.
81. See E. J. Clery, ‚Ä˜The Genesis of Gothic Fiction‚Ä™ and Robert Miles, ‚Ä˜The Efful-
gence of Gothic‚Ä™, chapters 2‚Ä“3 in Jerrold E. Hogle (ed.), The Cambridge Com-
panion to Gothic Fiction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
82. See Thomas, Religion, chapter 19; and Peter Marshall, ‚Ä˜Old Mother Leakey
and the Golden Chain: Context and Meaning in an Early Stuart Haunting‚Ä™,
pp. 92‚Ä“105 in John Newton (ed.), Early Modern Ghosts (Durham: Centre for
Seventeenth-Century Studies, 2002). I am grateful to Professor Marshall for
letting me see a draft of this before publication.
83. Michael Sherbrook‚Ä™s ‚Ä˜The Fall of Religious Houses‚Ä™ is an often-cited example
of how a conformist regretted the fall of the monasteries, which includes an
imaginative account of how they were seized: ed. in A. G. Dickens, Tudor Trea-
tises, Yorkshire Archaeological Society, vol. 125 (1959), p. 123. For how regrets
about the Dissolution affected England‚Ä™s historical consciousness, see Margaret
Aston‚Ä™s pioneering ‚Ä˜English Ruins and English History: The Dissolution and
the Sense of the Past‚Ä™, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 36 (1973),
84. Theo Brown, The Fate of the Dead (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer for Folklore
Society, 1979), p. 41: see also the response to Brown‚Ä™s work by Ronald Hutton
in ‚Ä˜The English Reformation and the Evidence of Folklore‚Ä™, P & P, 148 (1995),
85. Hutton, ‚Ä˜English Reformation‚Ä™, has commented on how, while some stories
associated with ruined monasteries assume anti-Catholic anticlericalism, others
contain elements of Catholic doctrinal presumptions. In ‚Ä˜Beyond Etiology:
Interpreting Local Legends‚Ä™, Fabula, 24:3/4 (1983), pp. 223‚Ä“32, Jacqueline
194 Notes to pages 48‚Ä“50
Simpson discusses topographical legends in which a place becomes unlucky
because of an injustice committed there in the past.
86. On ghosts in early modern England, see Peter Marshall, Beliefs and the Dead in
Reformation England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002); Bruce Gordon
and Peter Marshall (eds.), The Place of the Dead (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 2000); Newton, ‚Ä˜Examination‚Ä™; and on the literary front, Stephen
Greenblatt, Hamlet in Purgatory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).
87. See Chris Brooks, The Gothic Revival (London: Phaidon, 1999), pp. 41‚Ä“2.
88. The classic study is Evans, Gothic Drama.
89. Edith Birkhead, The Tale of Terror (London: Constable, 1921), pp. 1‚Ä“15,
points out that, though the supernatural was effectively absent from the early
eighteenth-century novel, it was visible elsewhere in the form of chapbooks
and translated tales (p. 12).
90. See Chris Brooks, The Gothic Revival (London: Phaidon, 1999), p. 20; and Giles
Worsley, ‚Ä˜The Origins of the Gothic Revival: A Reappraisal‚Ä™, Transactions of
the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 3 (1993), pp. 105‚Ä“50, who remarks ‚Ä˜one
could question the very concept of the Gothic Revival and argue that one
should instead be talking of the continuing tradition‚Ä™ (p. 106). In harking
back to pioneering studies such as C. L. Eastlake, A History of the Gothic
Revival in England (1st edn London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1872), Brooks
and Worsley are consciously presenting an alternative to such interim studies
as Kenneth Clark‚Ä™s The Gothic Revival (1st edn 1928: 3rd edn London: John
Murray, 1962), where the emphasis is on shifts in taste from the mid-eighteenth
century onwards: see Michael Hall‚Ä™s introduction to Gothic Architecture and
its Meanings, 1550‚Ä“1830 (Reading: Spire Books in association with Georgian
Group, 2002). Michael McCarthy, The Origins of the Gothic Revival (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), pp. 15‚Ä“26, also brieÔ¬‚y discusses antiquarian
efforts prior to the mid-eighteenth century.
91. For instance, James Hogg‚Ä™s Confessions of a JustiÔ¬Āed Sinner (1st edn 1824) is a
Gothic exercise which draws its terrors from Protestant antinomianism. The
presence of anti-Catholicism in the Gothic novel is routinely acknowledged,
seldom addressed in detail; but see the entries under ‚Ä˜Catholicism: Attacked in
Gothic Fiction‚Ä™ in the index to Hogle (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Gothic
Fiction, and Sister Mary Muriel Tarr, Catholicism in Gothic Fiction (PhD dis-
sertation, Catholic University of America, Washington DC, 1946).
92. There are two recent editions of A Simple Story in Oxford World‚Ä™s Classics
(ed. Jane Spencer) and Penguin (ed. Pamela Clemit). I am grateful to Professor
Clemit for advice on Inchbald.
93. The Recess, 3 vols. (1783‚Ä“5). A chronology of Gothic novels can be found in
Frederick S. Frank, The First Gothics (New York: Garland, 1987), appendix 3.
94. I am grateful to Nicola Watson for this reference. The plot is summarised in
Frank, First Gothics, no. 18.
95. Miles, Gothic Writing, chapter 5.
96. Miles, Gothic Writing, p. 3.
97. ‚Ä˜It is conspicuously anachronistic that, since the scenes are usually set in,
or shortly after, the medieval period, the ediÔ¬Āces of Gothic literature are almost
Notes to pages 50‚Ä“1 195
invariably in an advanced state of decay‚Ä™: Evans, Gothic Drama, p. 8 (see also
98. For instance, Anna Barbauld‚Ä™s essay ‚Ä˜On Monastic Institutions‚Ä™ begins with
an admission of ‚Ä˜secret triumph‚Ä™ at seeing abbey ruins, but modulates into a
more sympathetic assessment: Works, 2 vols. (London: Longman, 1825), vol.
II, quotation p. 195. The essay is discussed in Botting, Gothic, p. 31.
99. Evans, Gothic Drama, has estimated that England had a ‚Ä˜full ten-year lead‚Ä™
over Germany ‚Ä˜in the development of mystery, gloom, and terror materials‚Ä™
(chapter 7, quotation p. 252). Montague Summers, The Gothic Quest (London:
Fortune Press, n.d.), chapter 3, is still useful in this context. More recently,
see Horner (ed.), European Gothic, and Terry Hale, ‚Ä˜French and German
Gothic: The Beginnings‚Ä™, chapter 4 in Hogle (ed.), Cambridge Companion
to Gothic Fiction. For the popularity of the English Gothic novel in France
during the 1790s, see also Maurice L¬īvy, ‚Ä˜English Gothic and the French
Imagination: A Calendar of Translations, 1767‚Ä“1828‚Ä™, in G. R. Thompson
(ed.), The Gothic Imagination (Pullman, Wash.: Washington State University
Press, 1974), pp. 150‚Ä“76.
100. Sade‚Ä™s observation is commented upon by, among others, Kenneth W. Gra-
ham in ‚Ä˜Emily‚Ä™s Demon-Lover: Gothic Revolution and The Mysteries of
Udolpho‚Ä™, in Graham (ed.), Gothic Fictions, pp. 163‚Ä“71. Graham comments in
the same volume (p. 260) that revolution would have been a preoccupation
earlier in England than in France.
101. Commenting on William Henry Ireland‚Ä™s The Catholic (no. 202) Frederick
Frank has argued that popular ideas of Catholicism allowed ‚Ä˜a union to be
made between pleasure and pain of the sublime degree that Burke had called
for‚Ä™ (p. 171).
102. Discussed in Sage, Horror Fiction.
103. The Literature of Terror (1980: rev. edn London: Longman, 1996).
104. Robert Miles, Gothic Writing, p. 3: ‚Ä˜theoretical approaches are always in danger
of dehistoricising the Gothic through retrospective reading‚Ä™. Sage, Horror
Fiction, p. xii, critiques assumptions of a ‚Ä˜timeless‚Ä™ unconscious unmediated
by cultural and ideological factors.
105. Cf. Ronald Paulson‚Ä™s discussion of Goya in Representations of Revolution (1789‚Ä“
1820) (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983): ‚Ä˜Entail and primogeniture,
the oppressive structures of the closed society, were at the bottom of the
imagery of the French Revolution. They were also available to Goya in the
English gothic novel, where the repressive family had become the prison-like
monastery . . .‚Ä™ (p. 301).
106. Gothic Fiction/Gothic Form (University Park: Pennsylvania State University
Press, 1989), p. 8.
107. ‚Ä˜Das Unheimliche‚Ä™ (1919): trans. James Strachey, in the Pelican Freud Library,
15 vols. (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973‚Ä“86), vol. 14 (1985), pp. 339‚Ä“76.
108. The Female Thermometer (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), intro-
duction. See also Valdine Clemens, The Return of the Repressed (New York:
State University of New York Press, 1999), which argues that horror can be
196 Notes to pages 52‚Ä“5
109. The theme of live burial in Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, The Coherence of Gothic
Conventions (New York: Methuen, 1986 edn), is interesting in this context. See
also Nicholas Royle, The Uncanny (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
2003), chapter 10. David Salter‚Ä™s forthcoming monograph on representations
of the Franciscan order contains analogous arguments, and I am grateful to
Dr Salter for allowing me to herald it here.
110. In Horror Fiction, one of the most suggestive considerations to date of the
relationship between religion and Gothic Ô¬Āction, Victor Sage discusses the
relationship between horror Ô¬Āction and ‚Ä˜theological uncertainties‚Ä™ (p. xvii)
and reads Freud‚Ä™s essay in the light of the memento mori tradition (chapter 1).
111. See Colin Haydon, Anti-Catholicism in 18th-Century England, c.1714‚Ä“80
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), esp. chapters 6‚Ä“7; John
Bossy, The English Catholic Community 1570‚Ä“1850 (1975: this edn. London:
Darton, Longman and Todd, 1979), part 3.
112. Cf. David Punter‚Ä™s Kleinian analysis of Gothic Ô¬Āction, relating it to the fear of
change engendered by the Industrial Revolution: ‚Ä˜Narrative and Psychology
in Gothic Fiction‚Ä™, in Graham (ed.), Gothic Fictions, pp. 1‚Ä“27; and Robert
Miles, ‚Ä˜Europhobia‚Ä™, chapter 5 in Horner (ed.), European Gothic.
113. ‚Ä˜Miss‚Ä™ Pilkington‚Ä™s The Accusing Spirit (1802) has been recognised as a novel
of ideas where ‚Ä˜the Protestant champion of Calvinistic principles . . . liberates
the mind of his beloved . . . from its prison of Catholic beliefs‚Ä™ (Frank 332).
114. The Romantic Novel in England (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1972), p. 32.
115. Joel Porte, ‚Ä˜In the Hands of an Angry God: Religious Terror in Gothic Fic-
tion‚Ä™, in G. R. Thompson (ed.), The Gothic Imagination (Pullman, Wash.:
Washington State University Press, 1974), pp. 42‚Ä“64.
116. Cf. Tarr, Catholicism in Gothic Fiction, pp. 21‚Ä“2, 30, 53.
117. Ed Ingebretsen‚Ä™s Maps of Heaven, Maps of Hell (New York: M. A. Sharpe, 1996),
discusses American Gothic as ‚Ä˜unspeakable‚Ä™ religious discourse. Recounting
an exchange with a Christian student on ideas of the Gothic, Nicholas Royle
comments on the present-day incompatibility of religious discourse with aca-
demic, and remarks: ‚Ä˜No doubt from different perspectives religion may be
uncanny for a so-called non-believer (such as Freud claimed to be) just as
non-belief may be uncanny for a so-called believer‚Ä™: The Uncanny, p. 36 (see
also pp. 20‚Ä“2, 35).
2 . a nti- po pery a nd t h e s upe rnat ura l
1. I am grateful to Alexandra Walsham for her detailed and insightful comments
on an earlier, unpublished version of this chapter, and for engaging in creative
dialogue with it in her article ‚Ä˜Reformed Folklore? Cautionary Tales and Oral
Tradition in Early Modern England‚Ä™, chapter 6 in Adam Fox and Daniel
Woolf (eds.), The Spoken Word (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
2. ‚Ä˜The English Reformation and the Evidence of Folklore‚Ä™, P & P, 148 (1995),
Notes to pages 55‚Ä“6 197
3. On common problems with the folkloric approach, see Daniel Woolf, The Social
Circulation of the Past (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), chapter 9.
4. For a recent reconsideration of ‚Ä˜superstition‚Ä™ in early modern Europe, see Helen
Parish and William G. Naphy (eds.), Religion and Superstition in Reformation
Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002); for the view that
Catholic and Protestant attempts to dissuade people from superstition were
differently implemented, see Euan Cameron, ‚Ä˜For Reasoned Faith or Embattled
Creed? Religion for the People in Early Modern Europe‚Ä™, Transactions of the
Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 8 (1998), pp. 165‚Ä“87. See also Natalie Zemon
Davis, ‚Ä˜Some Tasks and Themes in the Study of Popular Religion‚Ä™, in Charles
Trinkaus and Heiko A. Oberman (eds.), The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval
and Renaissance Religion (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974), pp. 307‚Ä“36, and William
Monter, Ritual, Myth and Magic in Early Modern Europe (Brighton: Harvester,
1983), chapter 7. Cameron and Davis critique the view of a magical peasant
culture impervious to religious reform, articulated by Jean Delumeau in Le
Catholicisme Entre Luther et Voltaire (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France,
1971), and the related tendency to deÔ¬Āne popular religion primarily in terms of
deviation. On Counter-Reformation missionary attempts to meet the unlearned
half-way, see David Gentilcore, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúAdapt Yourself to the People‚Ä™s Capabilities‚ÄĚ:
Missionary Strategies, Methods and Impact in the Kingdom of Naples, 1600‚Ä“
1800‚Ä™, JEH, 45:2 (1994), pp. 269‚Ä“96, and Trevor Johnson, ‚Ä˜Blood, Tears and
Xavier-Water: Jesuit Missionaries and Popular Religion in the 18th-Century
Upper Palatinate‚Ä™, chapter 9 in Bob Scribner and Trevor Johnson (eds.), Popular
Religion in Germany and Central Europe, 1400‚Ä“1800 (Basingstoke: Macmillan,
1996). On rural missions more generally, see Louis Chatellier, The Religion of the
Poor (1993: trans. Brian Pearce, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997),
and R. Po-Chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal 1540‚Ä“1770 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 200‚Ä“1.
5. See below, p. 69.
6. Edmund Campion, Two Bokes of the Histories of Ireland, ed. A. F. Vossen (Assen:
Van Gorcum, 1963), pp. 46‚Ä“50; and A. C. Southern, Elizabethan Recusant Prose
(this edn London: Sands & Co., 1950), pp. 294‚Ä“7 (quotation p. 296).
7. Camden, Britain (1610 edn), section on Ireland, p. 116. Occasionally this could
be complicated by mythological interpolation from an elite source. Still describ-
ing St Patrick‚Ä™s Purgatory, Camden complained that it was ‚Ä˜much spoken of, by
reason of, I wot not what fearefull walking spirits, and dreadfull apparitions,
or rather some religious horrour: Which cave, as some dream ridiculously, was
digged by Ulisses, when hee went downe to parlee with those in hell‚Ä™ (p. 116). See
Robert Easting (ed.), St. Patrick‚Ä™s Purgatory. Two Versions, EETS 298 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1991), introduction.
8. Cf. D. R. Woolf, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúThe Common Voice‚ÄĚ: History, Folklore and Oral Tradition