79. Christopher Haigh, English Reformations (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993). On the
progressive strategies of Marian Catholicism, see (most recently) Alexandra
Walsham, ‚Ä˜Translating Trent? English Catholicism and the Counter-Reforma-
tion‚Ä™, Historical Research, 78 (2005), pp. 288‚Ä“310. Cf. chapter 3, p. 89.
80. See Abbreviations for full bibliographical details of A. F. Allison and D. M.
Rogers‚Ä™s magisterial two-volume bibliography, The Contemporary Printed Lit-
erature of the English Counter-Reformation. Volume II is a revised edition of A
Catalogue of Catholic Books in English Printed Abroad or Secretly in England,
Notes to pages 16‚Ä“17 181
1558‚Ä“1640 (1st edn 1956). Allison and Rogers‚Ä™s work has been carried forward
by Thomas H. Clancy, SJ, English Catholic Books, 1641‚Ä“1700 (revised edition,
Aldershot: Scolar, 1996), F. Blom, J. Blom, F. Korsten and G. Scott, English
Catholic Books, 1701‚Ä“1800 (Aldershot: Scolar, 1996). In ‚Ä˜‚ÄúDomme Preachers‚ÄĚ:
Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Culture of Print‚Ä™, P & P, 168
(2000), pp. 72‚Ä“123, Alexandra Walsham draws especially on Allison and Rogers
to refute common historiographical assumptions. Barry in Harris (ed.), Popu-
lar Culture, p. 70, claims that a shift to the religion of the word was facilitated
by both the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation; Alexandra Walsham‚Ä™s
‚Ä˜Reformed Folklore? Cautionary Tales and Oral Tradition in Early Modern
England‚Ä™, chapter 6 in Adam Fox and Daniel Woolf (eds.), The Spoken Word
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), argues that Protestantism‚Ä™s
part in the eclipse of the spoken word was equivocal (p. 173).
81. For two recent extended considerations of Catholic manuscript circulation,
see Gerard Kilroy, Edmund Campion, Memory and Transcription (Aldershot:
Ashgate, 2005), and Marotti, Religious Ideology. See also Henry Woudhuysen,
Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts, 1558‚Ä“1640 (Oxford: Claren-
don, 1996), pp. 12, 18, 49, 52‚Ä“3, 82, 151, 257, 283; and Nancy Pollard Brown,
‚Ä˜Paperchase: The Dissemination of Catholic Texts in Elizabethan England‚Ä™,
English Manuscript Studies, 1 (1989), pp. 120‚Ä“43.
82. For a helpful discussion of the interpenetration of oral culture with popular
print culture, see Barry, in Harris (ed.), Popular Culture, p. 82.
83. On the phenomenon of Catholic ‚Ä˜seepage‚Ä™, see my Catholicism, Controversy,
chapter 2, and ‚Ä˜What is a Catholic Poem? Explicitness and Censorship in Tudor
and Stuart Religious Verse‚Ä™, chapter 6 in Andrew HadÔ¬Āeld (ed.), Literature and
Censorship in Renaissance England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2001).
84. Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550‚Ä“1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1991). However, see her Appendix C; STC 23884a.6 and
23884a.8, noted by Watt in her Appendix D; and ARCR II, no. 525 (a popular
poem on Mary, Queen of Scots in broadside format).
85. See John Hinks, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúDyvers Papisticall Books . . .‚ÄĚ: A Preliminary Note on Pedlars
of Recusant Literature in 17th-Century Leicester‚Ä™, Quadrat, 13 (2001), pp. 22‚Ä“5,
and his PhD thesis for Loughborough University, ‚Ä˜The History of the Book
Trade in Leicester to c.1850‚Ä™ (2002). I am grateful to Dr Hinks for discussions
on the topic. See also Adam Fox‚Ä™s account of messengers who carried letters
between Catholics: Oral and Literate Culture, pp. 371‚Ä“2. Julie Van Vuuren is
currently writing a doctoral thesis on Catholic ballads at Reading University.
86. On the complementarity of oral and manuscript dissemination, see Harold
Love, ‚Ä˜Oral and Scribal Texts in Early Modern England‚Ä™, chapter 3 in John
Barnard and D. F. McKenzie with Maureen Bell (eds.), The Cambridge History
of the Book in Britain, vol. IV, 1557‚Ä“1695 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
87. Fox, Oral and Literate Culture, p. 5. See also Thomas, ‚Ä˜Meaning of Literacy‚Ä™,
p. 121; Woolf, Social Circulation, p. 184. On newsgathering, see Love, ‚Ä˜Oral and
Scribal Texts‚Ä™; Freist, Governed by Opinion, chapter 5.
182 Notes to pages 17‚Ä“19
88. For the relationship between manuscript culture and subversive discourse at
a later period, see Harold Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts (this edn
Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1993), esp. chapter 5.
89. Barry in Harris (ed.), Popular Culture, distinguishes between the two (esp.
pp. 69‚Ä“72). This volume also includes a recent bibliography of the exten-
sive literature on popular culture. For the early modern period, the study of
oral culture has often been used as a means of interrogating the various dis-
tinctions drawn by social historians between elite and popular culture: see
Woolf, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúCommon Voice‚ÄĚ‚Ä™, pp. 48‚Ä“50. See also Christopher Marsh, Popu-
lar Religion in 16th-Century England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998), p. 10 et
passim, for a critique of the term as applied to religious activity. For the replace-
ment of the bipolar model of elite/popular culture by a stress on diversity and
multiplicity, see Barry Reay, Popular Culture in England, 1550‚Ä“1750 (London:
Longman, 1998), chapter 7 (though as he comments (p. 198) most bipolar
accounts have allowed for an element of ‚Ä˜overlap and interaction‚Ä™ between the
90. Ethan Shagan, ‚Ä˜Rumour and Popular Politics in the Reign of Henry VIII‚Ä™, chap-
ter 2 in Tim Harris (ed.), The Politics of the Excluded, c.1500‚Ä“1800 (Basingstoke:
Palgrave, 2001), quotation p. 31. See also M. Lindsay Kaplan, The Culture of
Slander in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1997); G. R. Elton, Policy and Police (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1972), chapter 2.
91. Habermas‚Ä™s most inÔ¬‚uential book has been Strukturwandel der Offentlichkeit
(1962), translated into English as The Structural Transformation of the Public
Sphere (1st edn London: Polity/Blackwell, 1989). On newsgathering among
Catholics and other minorities, see Margaret Sena, ‚Ä˜William Blundell and the
Networks of Catholic Dissent in Post-Reformation England‚Ä™, chapter 4 in
Alexandra Shepard and Phil Withington (eds.), Communities in Early Mod-
ern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000); Paul Arblaster,
Antwerp and the World; and Harris (ed.), Politics of the Excluded.
92. ‚Ä˜How Myths are Made‚Ä™, chapter 1 in Witches, Druids and King Arthur (London:
Hambledon, 2003), quotation p. 19.
93. Paul Thompson, The Voice of the Past (2nd edn Oxford: Oxford University
94. On siding with those of different social status but the same religious afÔ¬Āliations,
see Tim Harris, ‚Ä˜Problematising Popular Culture‚Ä™, chapter 1 in Harris (ed.),
Popular Culture (esp. pp. 19, 26). On Catholic ‚Ä˜feudalism‚Ä™, see Bossy, English
Catholic Community, chapter 7.
95. On the mediated nature of the ‚Ä˜popular‚Ä™ voice, see Barry, ‚Ä˜Literacy and Litera-
ture‚Ä™, in Harris (ed.), Popular Culture.
96. For an example of how the similar material could be differently targeted for
different audiences, see chapter 3, pp. 109‚Ä“10.
97. But for a case study of what appears to have been a genuinely popular and
successful intervention in oral culture, see the discussion of the versiÔ¬Āed version
of Allen‚Ä™s ‚Ä˜Articles‚Ä™ in chapter 3.
Notes to pages 19‚Ä“20 183
98. Pious Instructions in Meter Fitted to the Weaker Capacities (1693), fol. *3a. Parlor
was a Franciscan, whose name in religion was Leo of St Mary Magdalen. In
Early English Carols, 2nd edn (Oxford: Clarendon, 1977), p. cxxxii, Richard
Leighton Greene comments on the Franciscan tradition of working with
popular song (pp. clv‚Ä“clvi); cf. Luke Wadding, A Smale Garland, of Pious and
Godly Songs (1684).
99. However, Freist, Governed by Opinion, comments on the relationship between
orality and Ô¬Āgurative language (pp. 20, 184) and the use of mnemonic aids
within collective memory (pp. 240‚Ä“1).
100. Review article in HJ, 45:2 (2002), pp. 481‚Ä“94 (quotation p. 493). Marie B.
Rowlands (ed.), English Catholics of Parish and Town, 1558‚Ä“1778 (London:
CRS, 1999) is a pioneering exploration of the world of ‚Ä˜ordinary‚Ä™
101. For the proverb as a source of wisdom, see Woolf, Social Circulation, p. 381;
as an orally transmissible ‚Ä˜community resource‚Ä™, see Juliet Fleming, GrafÔ¬Āti
and the Writing Arts of Early Modern England (London: Reaktion, 2001),
pp. 46‚Ä“7; and as a mechanism of oral recall, see Laurie Maguire, Shake-
spearean Suspect Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 115.
On music, see Bennett Zon, The English Plainchant Revival (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1998); Philip Brett, ‚Ä˜Edward Paston (1550‚Ä“1630): A Norfolk
Gentleman and his Musical Collection‚Ä™, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibli-
ographical Society, 4 (1964), pp. 51‚Ä“69; and the discussion of Byrd in chapter
4 of this study. On drama, see Phebe Jensen, ‚Ä˜Recusancy and Community
in Recusant Yorkshire: The Simpsons at Gowlthwaite Hall‚Ä™, Reformation, 6
(2002), pp. 75‚Ä“102; Dutton, Findlay and Wilson (eds.), Region, Religion and
Patronage and Theatre and Religion. On prison, see Peter Lake and Michael
Questier, ‚Ä˜Prisons, Priests and ‚Äúthe People‚ÄĚ in Post-Reformation England‚Ä™,
chapter 6 in The Antichrist‚Ä™s Lewd Hat (New Haven: Yale University Press,
2002). On the theatre of death, see p. 12 above.
102. For the disastrous upshot of one Catholic sermon, see Alexandra Walsham,
‚Ä˜‚ÄúThe Fatall Vesper‚ÄĚ: Providentialism and Anti-Popery in Late Jacobean Lon-
don‚Ä™, P & P, 144 (1994), pp. 36‚Ä“87.
103. However, see D. M. Rogers, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúPopishe Thackwell‚ÄĚ and Early Catholic Print-
ing in Wales‚Ä™, Biographical Studies, 1534‚Ä“1829 (later Recusant History), 2:1
(1953), pp. 37‚Ä“54 (on Y Druch Christianogawl, the Ô¬Ārst ever book printed
in Wales); and Michael A. Mullett, The Catholic Reformation (London: Rout-
ledge, 1999), p. 179, on how Catholicism in Scotland associated itself with
the Gaelic language. This is in keeping with other Counter-Reformation mis-
sionary methods, for which see David Gentilcore, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúAdapt Yourself to People‚Ä™s
Capabilities‚ÄĚ: Missionary Strategies, Methods and Impact in the Kingdom
of Naples, 1600‚Ä“1800‚Ä™, JEH, 45 (1994), pp. 269‚Ä“96; and John W. O‚Ä™Malley
et al. (eds.), The Jesuits (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), parts
3‚Ä“4. Calvinism too adapted to ‚Ä˜oral literate‚Ä™ methods of cultural transmission
in the Gaelic-speaking Scottish Highlands and Islands: see Collinson, Hunt
and Walsham, ‚Ä˜Religious Publishing‚Ä™, p. 55, citing Jane Dawson, ‚Ä˜Calvinism
184 Notes to pages 21‚Ä“2
and the Gaidhealtachd in Scotland‚Ä™, pp. 231‚Ä“53 in Andrew Pettegree, Alas-
tair Duke and Gillian Lewis, Calvinism in Europe, 1540‚Ä“1620 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1994). See also Walsham, ‚Ä˜Domme Preachers?‚Ä™,
pp. 113‚Ä“14, and chapter 2 of the present study.
104. On the historical memory, see (most recently) Fox, Oral and Literate Culture,
esp. chapters 5‚Ä“6, and Woolf, Social Circulation.
105. See chapter 4, p. 144.
106. InÔ¬‚uential studies in these areas include Pierre Nora (director), Les Lieux de
M¬īmoire, 7 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1984‚Ä“92), translated, revised and abridged
as Realms of Memory (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); and
‚Ä˜Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de M¬īmoire‚Ä™, trans. Marc Roude-
bush, Representations, 26 (1989), pp. 7‚Ä“24; Maurice Halbwachs, Les Cadres
Sociaux de la M¬īmoire (1st edn Paris: Librarie F¬īlix Alcan, 1925), La Topogra-
phie L¬īgendaire des Evangiles en Terre Sainte (1st edn Paris: Presses Univer-
sitaires de France, 1941) and La M¬īmoire Collective, ed. Jeanne Alexandre
(Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1950), translated by Francis J. Ditter
and Vida Yazdy Ditter as The Collective Memory (New York: Harper & Row,
1980); and Jacques Le Goff, History and Memory, trans. Steven Rendall and
Elizabeth Claman (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992). See also
Woolf, Social Circulation, pp. 271‚Ä“4, 298. On the metamorphosis of Halb-
wachs‚Ä™s term ‚Ä˜collective memory‚Ä™ into ‚Ä˜cultural memory‚Ä™, see Dan Ben-Amos
and Liliana Weissberg (eds.), Cultural Memory and the Construction of Identity
(Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999), pp. 13‚Ä“16, which also includes
a comprehensive bibliography. On historical trauma, see Dominick LaCapra,
Writing History, Writing Trauma (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
2000), and Roger I. Simon, Sharon Rosenberg and Claudia Eppert (eds.),
Between Hope and Despair (Lanham: Rowman & LittleÔ¬Āeld, 2000).
107. State Repression and the Labors of Memory, trans. Judy Rein and Marcial
Godoy-Anativia, in Contradictions, vol. 18 (Minneapolis: University of Min-
nesota Press, 2003) p. 2.
108. Quoted from the second quarto of Hamlet, ed. Ann Thompson and Neil
Taylor, Arden Shakespeare, third series (London: Thomson, 2006), 4:5, lines
23‚Ä“6 and 191‚Ä“2.
109. A Cleer Looking-Glass for All Wandring Sinners (1654), p. 177. Not in Clancy.
110. Cf. the principle on which the post-Reformation Rites of Durham were
compiled: ‚Ä˜the work [is] constructed on a curious geographical principle,
going methodically around the cathedral and recording the decorations in
and rituals connected with each place within and around it‚Ä™: John McKinnell,
‚Ä˜The Sequence of the Sacrament at Durham‚Ä™, Papers in North-Eastern History,
8 (Middlesbrough: NEEHI/Teesside University Press, 1998), p. 9. McKinnell
further comments that ‚Ä˜much of the work represents the oral reminiscences
of older people with catholic sympathies who remembered the ceremonies of
the pre-reformation church more clearly than the compiler would have done‚Ä™
(p. 9). The Rites of Durham was probably written during the 1590s, and has
been attributed to William Claxton (c.1530‚Ä“97): see A. I. Doyle, ‚Ä˜William
Notes to pages 23‚Ä“4 185
Claxton and the Durham Chronicles‚Ä™, in James P. Carley and Colin G. C.
Tite (eds.), Books and Collectors, 1200‚Ä“1700 (London: British Library, 1997),
pp. 335‚Ä“55, and the edition of the Rites by J. T. Fowler, Surtees Society, vol. 107
(Durham/London: Andrews/Quaritch, 1903, repr. 1964). I am grateful to
Professor McKinnell for these references. R. A. Houston has suggested of
Catholic culture in general in this era that the importance it ascribed to visual
culture, custom and collective memory contributed to its relatively lower liter-
acy rates (Literacy, p. 115). For medieval and Renaissance theories concerning
the interplay of memory and place, see Mary J. Carruthers, The Book of Memory
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) and Frances Yates, The Art of
Memory (1st edn London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966).
1 . a b bey ruin s, s acr il eg e na rratives an d t he
gothic im aginat ion
1. ‚Ä˜A Little Monument‚Ä™, in The History and Antiquities of Glastonbury (1722), quo-
tation p. 104 (see also pp. 74‚Ä“5). For the attribution to Eyston, see ESTC,
n017974; Hearne was the publisher of the book and his name appears on the
title page, while Eyston‚Ä™s contribution is anonymous. For biographical details
on Eyston, see ODNB. William Stukeley, Itinerarium Curiosum, 2nd edn (1776),
p. 152, describes a ‚Ä˜presbyterian tenant‚Ä™ selling stone from the Abbey: ‚Ä˜I observed
frequent instances of the townsmen being generally afraid to make such pur-
chase, as thinking an unlucky fate attends the family where these materials are
used; and they told me many stories and particular instances of it: others, that
are but half religious, will venture to build stables and out-houses therewith,
but by no means any part of the dwelling-house.‚Ä™
2. Funerall Monuments (1631), p. 47 (see also pp. 51‚Ä“4).
3. See Introduction, p. 22.
4. During the reign of Queen Mary, Sir William Petre of Ingatestone obtained
absolution from the Pope for receiving property at the Dissolution: Maurice
Howard, The Early Tudor Country House (London: George Philip, 1987), p. 139.
Urban VIII wrote to Viscount Montague of Cowdray in 1625 absolving him
from any previous excommunication because of his pious action in building a
household chapel: Julia Roundell (Mrs Charles Roundell), Cowdray (London:
Bickers & Son, 1884), p. 74. However, the impropriations were remembered
as late as the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when a Ô¬Āre devastated
Cowdray House in 1793, and the family line died out in a series of accidents
involving Ô¬Āre and drowning. See Roundell, Cowdray, pp. 13‚Ä“14, 108‚Ä“9, chapter
10 and appendix, ‚Ä˜The Story of a Curse‚Ä™; Notes and Queries, Ô¬Ārst ser., vol. 3
(1851), pp. 66, 194, 307: ‚Ä˜The old villagers, the servants, and the descendants of
servants of the family, point to the ruins of the hall, and religiously cling to the
belief that its destruction and that of its lords resulted from the curse‚Ä™ (p. 194);
and most recently, Michael C. Questier, Catholicism and Community in Early
Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 10.
186 Notes to pages 24‚Ä“5
5. Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London: Penguin, 1973, repr.
1984), pp. 112‚Ä“13.
6. Howard, Early Tudor Country House, chapter 7. A discussion of whether curses
should restrain Parliament from disposing of church land, written in 1646, is
published in Richard Steward, A Discourse of Episcopacy and Sacrilege (1683),
pp. 28‚Ä“9. See also Howard Colvin, ‚Ä˜Recycling the Monasteries: Demolition
and Reuse by the Tudor Government, 1536‚Ä“1547‚Ä™, in his Essays in English Archi-
tectural History (New Haven: Yale University Press for Paul Mellon Centre,
1999), pp. 52‚Ä“66. Fears about sacrilege could extend to other stones once used
for sacred purposes: see Nicholas Orme (ed.), Nicholas Roscarrock‚Ä™s Lives of
the Saints: Cornwall and Devon (Exeter: Devon and Cornwall Record Society,
1992), pp. 94, 160 (discussed by Eamon Duffy, ‚Ä˜Bare Ruin‚Ä™d Choirs: Remem-
bering Catholicism in Shakespeare‚Ä™s England‚Ä™, in Theatre and Religion, ed.
Richard Dutton, Richard Wilson and Alison Findlay (Manchester: Manch-
ester University Press, 2003), p. 47).
7. This text forms part of the Ten Commandments, extending the warning against
idolatry in Exodus 20:4‚Ä“5: ‚Ä˜for I the LORD thy God am a jealous God, vis-
iting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth
generation of them that hate me‚Ä™ (Exodus 20:5). It is quoted at other points in
the Old Testament (Exodus 34:7, Numbers 14:18, Deuteronomy 5:9), while the
story of Ananias and Sapphira in Acts 5 was also widely drawn upon. Thomas,
Religion, p. 114, believes this speciÔ¬Āc idea was not current till the later years of
Elizabeth I‚Ä™s reign.
8. See Nicholas Tyacke (ed.), England‚Ä™s Long Reformation, 1500‚Ä“1800 (London:
UCL, 1998), introduction.
9. E.g. in Maggie Kilgour, The Rise of the Gothic Novel (London: Routledge, 1995),
10. Michael Charlesworth is the only critic I know of who recognises Spelman‚Ä™s
importance to the genre, in his brief but suggestive comments within the
introduction to The Gothic Revival, 3 vols. (MountÔ¬Āeld: Helm Information,
2002), vol. I, pp. 10‚Ä“12.
11. See Preface, fols. n3b‚Ä“4a, for Eyston‚Ä™s justiÔ¬Ācation of his citation practices. Cf.
another Catholic antiquary, Anselm Touchet, who quotes a number of sacrilege
narratives from the conformist William Dugdale‚Ä™s Antiquities of Warwickshire:
Historical Collections out of Several Grave Protestant Historians, Concerning the
Changes of Religion, and the Strange Confusions Following (1686), appendix.
For another Catholic condemnation of sacrilege, see William Forbes Leith,
Memoirs of Scottish Catholics during the XVIIth and XVIIIth Centuries, 2 vols.
(London: Longman, 1909), vol. II, pp. 92, 101‚Ä“2 (also pp. 74‚Ä“6), giving two
stories from the Scottish Mission‚Ä™s Annual Letters for 1663: one of a nobleman
who used the stones of a ruined chapel to build a house and who suffered
hauntings thereafter, the other of how attempts to knock down a chapel to the
Virgin Mary were foiled by a violent gust of wind.
12. History of Sacrilege, pp. 5, 7 (see also p. 259); Graham Parry, The Trophies of
Time (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 159‚Ä“66.
Notes to pages 25‚Ä“6 187
13. For an instance of the manuscript circulation of the History of Sacrilege pre-
vious to its publication, see BL Add. MS 40160 (the commonplace-book of
William Lloyd, Bishop of Norwich), item 14, headed ‚Ä˜S[i]r Henry Spelman‚Ä™s
papers found among [the] papers of his Amanuensis Mr [Jeremiah] Stephens of
[Quinton,] Northamptonshire‚Ä™. Writing in 1643, the Catholic author Serenus
Cressy seems to know the work (Exomologesis, pp. 9‚Ä“10: I am grateful to Anne
Barbeau Gardiner for this reference). An extended study of the manuscript
circulation of the History of Sacrilege would be a rewarding topic; F. M. Pow-
icke, ‚Ä˜Sir Henry Spelman and the ‚ÄúConcilia‚ÄĚ‚Ä™, reprinted in Lucy Sutherland
(ed.), Studies in History: British Academy Lectures (London: Oxford University
Press, 1966), pp. 204‚Ä“37, has the most authoritative conspectus of Spelman
manuscripts to date. (I am grateful to Arnold Hunt for this reference.)
14. It has been postulated that the delay to publication in the 1660s may have been
due to deliberate obstruction: see Parry, Trophies, p. 164, and the edition of the
History of Sacrilege by J. M. Neale and J. Haskell (1st edn 1846, 4th edn used:
London: John Hodges, 1895).
15. However, the preface by Clement Spelman to De Non Temerandis summarises
many of the ideas in the History of Sacrilege, and deplores that committed at
the Reformation (pp. ix‚Ä“xxvi).
16. Quoting Gibson‚Ä™s preface to Spelman‚Ä™s collected works, this editor writes:
‚Ä˜in him there might be prudential Reasons to exclude this Treatise from the
Volume of Reliquiae Spelmanniae. But it has happen‚Ä™d, that a true Copy of the
Manuscript is now fall‚Ä™n into the hands of (it seems) a less discreet Person,
who will e‚Ä™en let the World make what Use of it they please‚Ä™ (fols. A4a‚Ä“b).
See Parry, Trophies, p. 164; Philip Styles, ‚Ä˜Politics and Historical Research in
the Early 17th Century‚Ä™, in Levi Fox (ed.), English Historical Scholarship in the
16th and 17th Centuries (London: Oxford University Press for Dugdale Society,
1956), chapter 4.
17. Spelman, ed. Gibson, Works, pp. vi‚Ä“viii. White Kennett ‚Ä“ interestingly, given
his frequent conÔ¬‚icts with the High Church party ‚Ä“ also gives examples of
people shamed by Spelman into restoring tithes and glebe land: The Case
of Impropriations (1704), pp. 226‚Ä“37, and (for Kennett‚Ä™s churchmanship) his
biography in ODNB.
18. ‚Ä˜Elegie. On the Death of Sir Henry Spelman‚Ä™, Men-Miracles (1646), p. 115.
19. The Church-History of Britain (1655), Book 6, p. 371.
20. ‚Ä˜Essays‚Ä™, item 14 in Miscellaneous Tracts (1707), p. 30.
21. Anthony Milton, Catholic and Reformed (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1995), points out that attacks on Henry VIII and the alienation of church
lands was not an exclusively Laudian phenomenon, ‚Ä˜even if the Laudians‚Ä™
emphasis upon the perils of sacrilege was shriller than most‚Ä™ (p. 334). On Isaac
Watts Senior cautioning against sacrilege, see below, p. 41; on his religious
afÔ¬Āliations, see the entry for his son in ODNB.
22. Thomas, Religion, pp. 113‚Ä“14. It could be argued that, by diverting property
from churches to religious houses, the Pope had been ‚Ä˜the Ô¬Ārst founder of all our
impropriations‚Ä™: GryfÔ¬Āth Williams, The Chariot of Truth (1663), p. 102. Milton
188 Notes to pages 26‚Ä“31
has commented on Laudian literature‚Ä™s ‚Ä˜de-emphasis on the issue of idolatry
as such, and its replacement at the centre of religious concerns by the problem
of profanity and sacrilege‚Ä™: Catholic and Reformed, p. 196 (see also pp. 208, 312,
331‚Ä“4, 500‚Ä“2). A typical High Church tract is Lancelot Andrewes‚Ä™s Sacrilege
a Sinne (1646). For the stimulus given to the debate by the appropriations
of Church property in the Civil Wars, see Martin Dzelzainis, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúUndouted
Realities‚ÄĚ: Clarendon on Sacrilege‚Ä™, HJ, 33:3 (1990), pp. 515‚Ä“40. See also the
comments on Spelman in Graham Parry, The Arts of the Anglican Counter-
Reformation (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2006), pp. 172‚Ä“9.
23. A key discussion of topics relating to sacrilege can be found in Richard Hooker‚Ä™s
Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, vol. 5: see The Folger Library Edition of the
Works of Richard Hooker, vol. 2, ed. W. Speed Hill (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap/
Harvard University Press, 1977), pp. 448‚Ä“63.
24. On ghost stories, see John Newton, ‚Ä˜An Examination of Interpretations of
Ghosts from the Reformation to the Close of the 17th Century‚Ä™, PhD thesis,
University of Durham, 2004.
25. Spelman, Sacrilege, p. 238. Some newspaper reports and commentaries
on the Ô¬Āre at York Minster in 1984 made a connection between it and
the recent consecration in the Minster of the controversial then Bishop
of Durham, David Jenkins, while not (in most cases) explicitly invoking
ideas of sacrilege: http://www.bbc.co.uk/northyorkshire/iloveny/minster/Ô¬Āre/
what happened.shtml (accessed 8 May 2006); Humphrey Carpenter, Robert
Runcie (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1996), p. 272; and the neo-conservative
tract by Charles Moore, Gavin Stamp and A. N. Wilson, The Church in Crisis
(London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1986), p. 64. I am grateful to the Revd Dr
Michael Brydon for the latter references.
26. Spelman, Sacrilege, p. 279; cf. Roger Gostwyke, The Anatomie of Ananias (1616),
pp. 65‚Ä“6, 74‚Ä“5.
27. Quoted from The Complete Angler and Lives of Donne, Wotton, Hooker, Herbert
and Sanderson, ed. Alfred W. Pollard (London: Macmillan & Co., 1906), ‚Ä˜Life
of Hooker‚Ä™, p. 323. Whitgift‚Ä™s speech to Elizabeth on the topic of the Church‚Ä™s
rights is being quoted.
28. ‚Ä˜The nest is Ô¬Āred with embers, by which there perishes the offspring of an
impious mother.‚Ä™ Udall explains the signiÔ¬Ācance of the eagle in the main text:
the sacrilegious ‚Ä˜are like the Eagles Feathers, by which the √Ügyptians in their
Hieroglyphicks signiÔ¬Āe, pernitiosa potentia; for they are said to consume all
Feathers among which they are mingled . . .‚Ä™ (pp. 32‚Ä“3). For this trope, see
also Humfrey Brown, The Ox Muzzled (1649), p. 6; and Fulke Robartes, The
Revenue of the Gospel is Tythes (1613), Latin/English verses and ornament on
29. ‚Ä˜Touch me not, lest I destroy you and yours‚Ä™ (containing an allusion to Christ‚Ä™s
words to Mary Magdalene, John 20:17).
30. See above, note 6.
31. ‚Ä˜Casta Ô¬Ādes superest, velatae tecta sorores / Ista relegatae desurere [i.e.
defuerunt?] licet? / Nam venerandus Hymen hic vota iugalia seruat / Vesta-
lemque focum mente fouere studet‚Ä™ (Weever, Funerall Monuments, p. 430).
Notes to pages 31‚Ä“3 189
32. ‚Ä˜Upon Appleton House‚Ä™, stanzas 11‚Ä“35: quoted from the edition in Andrew
Marvell, Poems, ed. Nigel Smith (Harlow: Longman, 2003), pp. 210‚Ä“41. Smith
calls this interpolated story a ‚Ä˜small gothic Ô¬Āction‚Ä™ (p. 213). Patsy GrifÔ¬Ān sug-
gests that it may be a deliberate riposte to notions of sacrilege: ‚Ä˜‚Äú‚Ä™Twas No
Religious House Till Now‚ÄĚ: Marvell‚Ä™s ‚ÄúUpon Appleton House‚ÄĚ‚Ä™, Studies in
English Literature, 1500‚Ä“1900, 28:1 (1988), pp. 61‚Ä“76, esp. 62‚Ä“7.
33. The nunnery was dissolved in 1539 (Marvell, ed. Smith, ibid.).
34. I.e. the Ô¬Ārst nun to have corrupted the convent.
35. However, the collection in which this poem appears is dateable to around the
time that Cary renounced Catholicism: see The Poems of Patrick Cary, ed. Sister
Veronica Delany (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), pp. lviii‚Ä“lix, lxxxiii (poem p. 64,
discussion of poem on pp. 99‚Ä“101, 110‚Ä“11). The poem is emblematic, illustrated
by a wine-press with the motto ‚Ä˜EXPRIMATUR‚Ä™, translated by Delany as ‚Ä˜To
the last drop‚Ä™.
36. See (most recently) A Tribute to Horace Walpole and Strawberry Hill House,
Borough of Twickenham Local History Society, Paper No. 74 (June 1997),