Early Modern England‚Ä™, History, 78 (1993), pp. 22‚Ä“34. The inseparable topic
of illiteracy is emphasised by David Cressy in ‚Ä˜Levels of Illiteracy in England,
1530‚Ä“1730‚Ä™, reproduced as chapter 6 in Harvey J. Graff (ed.), Literacy and Social
Development in the West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
7. M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record (1979: rev. edn Oxford: Black-
well, 1993) performs a similar task for an earlier era.
8. The sociohistorical implications of this are discussed in Smith, Acoustic World,
9. Lyrics from English Airs, 1596‚Ä“1622, ed. Edward Doughtie (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1970), p. 36. Walter J. Ong has commented that ‚Ä˜it
is to be expected that the oral residue in Tudor literature is, by contrast with
most writing in comparable genres today, heavy in the extreme‚Ä™: ‚Ä˜Oral Residue
in Tudor Prose Style‚Ä™, PMLA, 80:3 (1965), pp. 145‚Ä“54 (quotation p. 146). For
how verse forms developed in written cultures can subsequently be used orally,
see Jack Goody, The Interface between the Written and the Oral (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 106.
10. For the issues thrown up by the term ‚Ä˜oral literature‚Ä™, see the introduction
to Joseph Harris (ed.), The Ballad and Oral Literature (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1991).
11. See footnote 69 below.
12. On the historical memory, see D. R. Woolf, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúThe Common Voice‚ÄĚ: History,
Folklore and Oral Tradition in Early Modern England‚Ä™, P & P, 120 (1988),
pp. 26‚Ä“52, a revised version of which appears in Social Circulation, chapter 10;
Fox, Oral and Literate Culture, esp. chapters 5‚Ä“6. On consciousness of change,
see Woolf, Social Circulation, chapter 1.
13. A Goodly Gallery (1st edn 1563), f. 40b, ‚Ä˜Of beames or streames of light appearing
through a cloude.‚Ä™
14. On imagery in churches still surviving at the time of the Civil Wars, see Trevor
Cooper (ed.), The Journal of William Dowsing (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer,
15. See Margaret Aston, ‚Ä˜English Ruins and English History: The Dissolution
and the Sense of the Past‚Ä™, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 36
(1973), pp. 231‚Ä“55; Woolf, Social Circulation, pp. 310‚Ä“15; and chapter 1 of this
16. Eamon Duffy, ‚Ä˜Bare Ruined Choirs: Remembering Catholicism in Shake-
speare‚Ä™s England‚Ä™, chapter 2 in Richard Dutton, Alison Findlay and Richard
Wilson (eds.), Theatre and Religion (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
2003), and ‚Ä˜Conservative Voice‚Ä™, pp. 103‚Ä“4.
17. Antiquitie Triumphing Over Noveltie (1619), p. 8. I owe this reference to Arnold
Hunt. See his Art of Hearing (forthcoming from Cambridge University Press),
Notes to pages 4‚Ä“5 173
chapter 7; Ronald Hutton, The Rise and Fall of Merry England (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1994), p. 89; and below, pp. 94, 211.
18. Cf. John Selden: ‚Ä˜There was never a merry world since the ffairyes left danceing,
& the parson left conjuring. The opinion of the Latter kept theeves in awe,
& did as much good in a Country as a Justice of Peace‚Ä™ (Table Talk, ed. Sir
Frederick Pollock (London: Quaritch, 1927), p. 91). Table Talk was compiled
between the 1630s and 1650s (p. xi) and this ballad suggests that Selden was
deliberately ‚Ä“ and probably ironically ‚Ä“ exploiting a pro-Catholic proverbial
formula. See also Francis Trigge‚Ä™s comment that ‚Ä˜Many do lament the pulling
downe of abbayes, they say it was never merie world since . . .‚Ä™ (Apologie (1589),
p. 7; quoted in A. G. Dickens (ed.), Tudor Treatises (Yorkshire Archaeological
Society Record Series, 125 (1959), p. 38)) and Woolf, Social Circulation, chapter
1. Diane Purkiss, Troublesome Things (London: Penguin, 2000), links the saying
with the pastness of the faery kingdom (pp. 106, 184): see chapter 2, pp. 75‚Ä“81.
19. Quoted from Thomas Deloney, The Garland of Good Will (1631 edn), fols.
F2b‚Ä“3b. Though the Ô¬Ārst surviving edition dates from 1628, this collection
was entered at Stationers‚Ä™ Hall in 1593: see STC 6553.5. See also Timothy Scott
McGinnis, George Gifford and the Reformation of the Common Sort (Kirksville:
Truman State University Press, 2004).
20. ‚Ä˜Conservative Voice‚Ä™, p. 104.
21. On Catholic antiquarians, see Patrick Collinson, ‚Ä˜John Stow and Nostal-
gic Antiquarianism‚Ä™, in J. F. Merritt (ed.), Imagining Early Modern London
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), chapter 1; D. R. Woolf, ‚Ä˜Lit-
tle Crosby and the Horizons of Early Modern Historical Culture‚Ä™, chapter
5 in Donald R. Kelley and David Harris Sacks (eds.), The Historical Imag-
ination in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press/
Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1997) and Social Circulation, pp. 156, 186‚Ä“7,
246‚Ä“55; Donna B. Hamilton, ‚Ä˜Richard Verstegan‚Ä™s A Restitution of Decayed Intel-
ligence (1605): A Catholic Antiquarian Replies to John Foxe, Thomas Cooper,
and Jean Bodin‚Ä™, Prose Studies, 22:2 (1999), pp. 1‚Ä“38; Graham Parry, The Tro-
phies of Time (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), esp. chapter 2; Theo
Bongaerts (ed.), The Correspondence of Thomas Blount (1618‚Ä“1679), a Recu-
sant Antiquary (Amsterdam: APA-Holland University Press, 1978); Richard
Cust, ‚Ä˜Catholicism, Antiquarianism and Gentry Honour: The Writings of Sir
Thomas Shirley‚Ä™, Midland History, 23 (1998), pp. 40‚Ä“70; Joseph Donatelli,
‚Ä˜The Percy Folio Manuscript: A 17th-Century Context for Medieval Poetry‚Ä™,
English Manuscript Studies, 4, ed. Peter Beal and Jeremy GrifÔ¬Āths (London:
British Library, 1993), pp. 114‚Ä“33, esp. p. 129; Paul Arblaster, Antwerp and
the World (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2004), chapter 5 (on Richard
Verstegan); and, on recusant historiography more generally, W. B. Patterson,
‚Ä˜The Recusant View of the English Past‚Ä™, in Derek Baker (ed.), Studies in
Church History, 11 (1975), pp. 49‚Ä“262. On Catholic antiquarianism and the
Gothic Revival, see Rosemary Hill, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúThe Ivi‚Ä™d Ruins of Folorn (sic) Grace
Dieu‚ÄĚ: Catholics, Romantics and Late Georgian Gothic‚Ä™, in Michael Hall
(ed.), Gothic Architecture and its Meanings 1550‚Ä“1830 (Reading: Spire Books/
174 Notes to pages 5‚Ä“6
Georgian Group, 2002), pp. 159‚Ä“84. I am grateful to Eileen Harris for the latter
22. Hutton, Rise and Fall, esp. chapter 3.
23. Charles Jackson (ed.), ‚Ä˜The Life of Master John Shaw‚Ä™, in Yorkshire Diaries and
Autobiographies in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, Surtees Society,
vol. 65 (Durham: for the Society, 1877), pp. 138‚Ä“9. See (most recently) Anne
C. Parkinson, ‚Ä˜Religious Drama in Kendal: The Corpus Christi Play in the
Reign of James I‚Ä™, Recusant History, 25:4 (2001), pp. 604‚Ä“12. I am grateful to
the author for letting me see a copy of this piece before publication. See also
below, p. 67.
24. On the move from medieval to post-Reformation drama, see (most recently)
Michael O‚Ä™Connell, The Idolatrous Eye (New York: Oxford University Press,
2000), chapters 1, 3 and 4. See also H. C. Gardiner, Mysteries‚Ä™ End, Yale Stud-
ies in English 103 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946); Paul WhitÔ¬Āeld
White, Theatre and Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1993). For a wide-ranging assessment of the inÔ¬‚uence of medieval drama on
Shakespeare‚Ä™s early plays, see Beatrice Groves, Texts and Traditions (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2007).
25. On the beginnings of licensing, see Richard Dutton, Mastering the Revels
(Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1991), chapter 1.
26. For two examples of carols with medieval roots, respectively containing extra-
Scriptural religious material and Marian-centred devotion, which survived via
a combination of oral tradition and popular print till the nineteenth century,
see Hugh Keyte and Andrew Parrott (eds.), The New Oxford Book of Carols
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), items 128 (Cherry Tree Carol) and 131
(Seven Joys of Mary). For two recent accounts of carolling in post-Reformation
England, see Keyte and Parrott (eds.), New Oxford Book of Carols, pp. xviii‚Ä“xix,
and Ian Bradley (ed.), The Penguin Book of Carols (London: Penguin, 1999),
pp. xii‚Ä“xv. On popular festivity, see also Leah Marcus, The Politics of Mirth
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986); David Cressy, BonÔ¬Āres and Bells
(London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1989); Hutton, Rise and Fall, esp. chapters 5
and 7, and pp. 206‚Ä“17 (the latter relating to carol singing); David Underdown,
Revel, Riot and Rebellion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985: paperback
edn 1987), chapter 3; A. B. Chambers, ‚Ä˜Christmas, the Liturgy of the Church
and English Verse of the Renaissance‚Ä™, Literary Monographs, 6 (1975), pp. 109‚Ä“
53. For the celebration of Christmas during the Interregnum, see John Spurr,
The Restoration Church of England, 1646‚Ä“1689 (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1991), chapter 1.
27. Richard James, Poems, ed. Alexander B. Grosart (n.p.: printed for private cir-
culation, 1880), pp. 249‚Ä“53, is one example among many of a Christmas carol
written by a Protestant. Ian Bradley has observed, though, that ‚Ä˜they tended to
be the work of those distanced from the political and religious establishment‚Ä™
28. E.g. H. E. Rollins, ‚Ä˜Ballads from Additional MS 38599‚Ä™, PMLA, 38 (1923),
pp. 133‚Ä“52; Peter J. Seng (ed.), Tudor Songs and Ballads from MS Cotton Vespasian
Notes to pages 6‚Ä“7 175
A-25 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978); Epitaphs (1604) (see
description in ARCR II, no. 914); A Smale Garland, of Pious and Godly Songs
(1684); Bod MS Eng.poet.b.5 (Southwell‚Ä™s verse in a collection otherwise cen-
tring around carols). The latter manuscript is associated with the Fairfax family:
see Bodleian Library Record, 3 (1950‚Ä“1), p. 50, under ‚Ä˜Notable Accessions‚Ä™;
Deborah Aldrich Larson (ed.), The Verse Miscellany of Constance Aston Fowler:
A Diplomatic Edition (Tempe: Renaissance English Text Society, 2000), and
the review of this by Marie-Louise Coolahan in Early Modern Literary Studies,
7:2 (2001), e-journal; and Cedric C. Brown, ‚Ä˜Recusant Community and Jesuit
Mission in Parliament Days: Bodleian MS Eng. poet. b. 5‚Ä™, Yearbook of English
Studies, 33 (2003), pp. 290‚Ä“315.
29. On early nineteenth-century folk-song collectors, see Bradley (ed.), Penguin
Book of Carols, p. xv.
30. An interplay of script and print is the more usual model; in Early English
Carols, 2nd edn (Oxford: Clarendon, 1977), p. cxxxii, Richard Leighton Greene
identiÔ¬Āes only two medieval carols that appear to have survived to the twentieth
century in outright oral tradition (or, at least, for which no printed analogues
31. Nicholas Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, vol. I (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1979: this edn 1983), p. 339. On carols within the
liturgy of the late medieval church, see Bradley (ed.), Penguin Book of Carols,
32. See Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1992), chapters 11‚Ä“13.
33. The Idea of the Holy, trans. John W. Harvey (London: Oxford University Press,
1928), p. 67.
34. Alexandra Walsham, ‚Ä˜Unclasping the Book? Post-Reformation English
Catholicism and the Vernacular Bible‚Ä™, Journal of British Studies, 42:2 (2003),
pp. 141‚Ä“66. England was the one major country in Europe to be without a
vernacular translation of the Bible by 1520: David Daniell, William Tyndale:
A Biography (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), pp. 92‚Ä“5. For a recent
account of biblical scholarship across Europe at the Reformation, see Christo-
pher de Hamel, The Book: A History of the Bible (London: Phaidon, 2001),
chapter 9. The Council of Trent, while reafÔ¬Ārming the pre-eminence of the
Vulgate, recognised that needs for a vernacular bible might differ from country
to country: see F. J. Crehan, ‚Ä˜The Bible in the Roman Catholic Church from
Trent to the Present Day‚Ä™, The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. III, ed. S. L.
Greenslade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), chapter 6, esp.
pp. 202‚Ä“5. On the Douai/Rheims Bible, see Lynne Long, Translating the Bible
from the 7th to the 17th Century (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), pp. 176‚Ä“81; Evelyn
Tribble, Margins and Marginality (Charlottesville: Virginia University Press,
1993), pp. 44‚Ä“50; Crehan, ‚Ä˜The Bible in the Roman Catholic Church‚Ä™, pp. 161‚Ä“
3, and S. L. Greenslade, ‚Ä˜English Versions of the Bible, 1525‚Ä“1611‚Ä™, chapter 4
in The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. III, ed. Greenslade. For English
Catholic arguments against the use of the vernacular for Scripture, see Richard
176 Notes to pages 7‚Ä“10
Foster Jones, The Triumph of the English Language (Stanford: Stanford Uni-
versity Press, 1953), pp. 62‚Ä“6. For an epigram by the religious conservative
John Heywood, describing a countryman who tries to learn his Pater Noster
in English but only ends up forgetting it in Latin, see his Woorkes (1562), fols.
O2b‚Ä“3a (discussed in John N. King, English Reformation Literature (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1982), p. 251).
35. For lay knowledge of Latin in the late medieval period, see Duffy, Stripping of
the Altars, chapter 6.
36. ‚Ä˜A Religious Trage-Comedy‚Ä™: BL Add. MS. 64124, dated c.1660‚Ä“85 by the
cataloguers (quotations fols. 103a‚Ä“4a). For an example of an Elizabethan lay-
man praying out loud in Latin, see Augustine Baker‚Ä™s reminiscences of his
father: Dom Justin McCann and Dom Hugh Connolly (eds.), Memorials of
Fr. Augustine Baker, Catholic Record Society, vol. 33 (London: CRS, 1933),
p. 18. Interestingly, Baker comments that ‚Ä˜his manner in this kind . . . [was]
imitated by none, no, not by his own children‚Ä™.
37. ‚Ä˜Little John Nobody‚Ä™, from Thomas Percy, Reliques of Ancient English Poetry,
ed. Henry B. Wheatley, 3 vols. (repr. New York: Dover, 1966), vol. II, pp. 135‚Ä“7.
The libel is dated to c.1550. See the comments on the ballad in Woolf, Social
Circulation, p. 63. On the background to the satirical characters ‚Ä˜Nobody‚Ä™
and ‚Ä˜Somebody‚Ä™, see Charles Mitchell (ed.), Hogarth‚Ä™s Peregrination (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1952), pp. xxiv‚Ä“xxxi.
38. The word ‚Ä˜synagogue‚Ä™ comes into hostile controversial use in English as early
as 1464 (OED), though more commonly in an anti-Catholic context.
39. See Marcy L. North, The Anonymous Renaissance (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 2003), chapter 4.
40. William Allen to Alphonsus Agazzari SJ, July 1580 (no day given): Miscellanea,
VII, Catholic Record Society, vol. 9 (London: Aberdeen University Press for
CRS, 1911), p. 27.
41. Diego de Yepes, Historia Particular de la Persecuci¬īn en Inglaterra (1599), quoted
in Pierre Janelle, Robert Southwell the Writer (London: Sheed & Ward, 1935),
p. 32. See also The Poems of Robert Southwell, ed. James H. Macdonald and
Nancy Pollard Brown (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967), pp. xix‚Ä“xx.
42. History of His Own Times (London: [s.n.], 1883), p. 423: quoted in Dominicana,
Catholic Record Society, vol. 25 (London: CRS, 1925), p. 3. For the association
of Catholicism with foreignness, see G. K. Hunter, ‚Ä˜English Folly and Italian
Vice‚Ä™, chapter 4 in his Dramatic Identities and Cultural Traditions (Liverpool:
Liverpool University Press, 1978).
43. Liber Ordinacionum et Depositionum, Colchester (1562‚Ä“72), Essex Record
OfÔ¬Āce: examinations of William Blackman and Margaret Sander, fols. 33a, 34b.
Quoted by M. S. Byford, ‚Ä˜The Price of Protestantism: Assessing the Impact of
Religious Change in Elizabethan Essex: The Cases of Heydon and Colchester,
1558‚Ä“94‚Ä™ (Oxford D. Phil., 1988), pp. 158‚Ä“62.
44. See R. W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1981); and Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Per-
suasion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
Notes to pages 10‚Ä“11 177
45. See Hunt, Art of Hearing; Patrick Collinson, ‚Ä˜Elizabethan and Jacobean Puri-
tanism as Forms of Popular Religious Culture‚Ä™, chapter 1 in Christopher
Durston and Jacqueline Eales (eds.), The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560‚Ä“
1700 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), section 3; Bryan Crockett, The Play of
Paradox (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995); Cressy, ‚Ä˜Literacy
in Context‚Ä™, p. 310.
46. Pettegree, Reformation, esp. p. 41.
47. A Pittilesse Mother (1616), a tale of a Catholic wife married to a Protestant
who murdered her children so that they might not be brought up heretics,
shows how popular literature not explicitly religious in genre could still convey
anti-Catholic messages. See Betty S. Travitsky, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúA Pittilesse Mother‚ÄĚ? Reports
of a Seventeenth-Century English Filicide‚Ä™, Mosaic, 27:4 (1994), pp. 55‚Ä“76.
Conversely, ballads can also preserve a pre-Reformation referential Ô¬Āeld: Robin
Hood and the Bishop, of which several editions survive (dated by ESTC between
1650 and 1700), has Robin tying up the bishop and getting him to sing Mass. Cf.
‚Ä˜Robin Hood and Queen Katherine‚Ä™ (in Francis James Child (ed.), The English
and Scottish Popular Ballads (this edn New York: Dover, 1965), vol. III, pp. 196‚Ä“
205) which, as Peter Davidson suggests, appears to respond to Reformation
issues (personal communication). For a discussion of conservative religious
material in secular ballads, see Mary Diana McCabe, ‚Ä˜A Critical Study of
Some Traditional Religious Ballads‚Ä™ (Durham MA thesis, 1980), pp. 7, 12, 301.
See also Helen Phillips (ed.), Robin Hood (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2005);
Stephen Knight, Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1994); and Knight‚Ä™s Robin Hood: An Anthology of Scholarship and
Criticism (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 1999).
48. See Robert Scribner, ‚Ä˜Oral Culture and the Diffusion of Reformation Ideas‚Ä™,
History of European Ideas, 5:3 (1984), pp. 237‚Ä“56.
49. The Literary Culture of the Reformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2002). For differences between medieval and Reformation oral experiences
of Scripture, see Walter J. Ong, SJ, On the Presence of the Word (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1967), chapter 5. Ceri Sullivan has argued for recusant
writers‚Ä™ distinctive use of rhetorical tropes: Dismembered Rhetoric (London:
Associated University Presses, 1995).
50. Staffordshire Record OfÔ¬Āce, D(W) 1734/4/3/11. For a conformist treatment of
the same topic in verse, see Richard Crashaw‚Ä™s ‚Ä˜On a Treatise of Charity‚Ä™, Ô¬Ārst
published as part of the prefatory material to Robert Shelford‚Ä™s anti-puritan
Five Pious and Learned Discourses (1635) f. A1a‚Ä“b. Crashaw had not converted
to Catholicism at the time of writing.
51. ‚Ä˜Catholikes must abhorre from hereticall phrases and wordes‚Ä™, Staffordshire
Record OfÔ¬Āce, D641/3/P/4/13/1 (unpaginated), 13 leaves from end. Conversely,
William Loe was hostile to foreign and popish elements in the language: An
Hymne or Song (1620), f. A3, quoted by Woolf, ‚Ä˜Speech, Text and Time‚Ä™,
52. See Long, Translating the Bible, p. 123. Edmund Bunny‚Ä™s A Treatise Tend-
ing to PaciÔ¬Ācation, appended to his edition of Robert Persons‚Ä™s A Booke of
178 Notes to pages 12‚Ä“13
Christian Exercise (1584), comments on the question of denominational word-
choice (p. 66).
53. This describes a Protestant‚Ä“Catholic debate held on 27 June 1623. On dis-
putations in general, see Ann Hughes, ‚Ä˜The Pulpit Guarded: Confrontations
Between Orthodox and Radical in Revolutionary England‚Ä™, in Anne Laurence,
W. R. Owens and Stuart Sim (eds.), John Bunyan and his England, 1628‚Ä“88
(London: Hambledon, 1990), pp. 31‚Ä“50.
54. ‚Ä˜An Additionall Appendix‚Ä™ to Rusticus ad Academicos (1660), p. 47. Fisher him-
self was a Quaker.
55. Conversion, Politics and Religion in England, 1580‚Ä“1625 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1996).
56. J. A. Sharpe, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúLast Dying Speeches‚ÄĚ: Religion, Ideology and Public Execution
in 17th-Century England‚Ä™, P & P, 107 (1985), pp. 144‚Ä“67; Peter Lake and
Michael Questier, ‚Ä˜Agency and Appropriation at the Foot of the Gallows:
Catholics (and Puritans) Confront (and Constitute) the English State‚Ä™, chapter
7 in The Antichrist‚Ä™s Lewd Hat (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002); and
the discussion of martyr-narratives in chapter 4 below.
57. ‚Ä˜[I]n parrhesia the danger always comes from the fact that the . . . truth is
capable of hurting or angering the interlocutor‚Ä™: Michael Foucault, Fearless
Speech, ed. Joseph Pearson (Los Angeles: Semiotext(e), 2001), p. 17.
58. See under ‚Ä˜equivocation‚Ä™ in OED. On these and related issues, see Perez Zagorin,
Ways of Lying (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990); Lowell
Gallagher, Medusa‚Ä™s Gaze (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), pp. 96‚Ä“
7; John Morrill and Paul Slack (eds.), Public Duty and Private Conscience in
17th-Century England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); Steven Mul-
laney, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúLying Like Truth‚ÄĚ: Riddle, Representation and Treason in Renaissance
England‚Ä™, ELH, 47:1 (1980), pp. 32‚Ä“47; Camille Wells Slights, The Casuistical
Tradition in Shakespeare, Donne, Herbert and Milton (Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press, 1981); Johann P. Sommerville, ‚Ä˜The ‚ÄúNew Art of Lying‚ÄĚ: Equivo-
cation, Mental Reservation and Casuistry‚Ä™, chapter 5 in Edmund Leites (ed.),
Conscience and Casuistry in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge/ Paris: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1988); P. J. Holmes, Elizabethan Casuistry, Catholic
Record Society vol. 67 (London: CRS, 1981); and Arthur F. Marotti, Religious
Ideology and Cultural Fantasy (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press,
2005), pp. 51, 235.
59. See Conclusion, pp. 159‚Ä“61. On Catholics and equivocation, see Elliot Rose,
Cases of Conscience (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), pp. 72‚Ä“
3, 83‚Ä“5, 89‚Ä“93, and Ronald J. Corthell, ‚Ä˜‚ÄúThe Secrecy of Man‚ÄĚ: Recusant
Discourse and the Elizabethan Subject‚Ä™, ELR, 19 (1989), pp. 272‚Ä“90. On the
perceived association between equivocation and the Jesuit order, see Garry
Wills, Witches and Jesuits (Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press/New
York Public Library, 1995). Though Shakespeare‚Ä™s Macbeth, discussed by Wills,
is the Ô¬Ārst text cited by the OED which uses the word ‚Ä˜equivocation‚Ä™ in a
negative sense, earlier pejorative associations, some anti-Catholic, can be found
for words from the same stem from the 1590s.
Notes to pages 13‚Ä“14 179
60. The distinction between medium and message is most strongly associated with
the thought of Marshall McLuhan: see Phillip Marchand, Marshall McLuhan
(this edn Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1998).
61. Foley, vol. III, pp. 676‚Ä“7.
62. Quoted from third edition (1630), f. A4b. The poem is signed ‚Ä˜E. W.‚Ä™.
63. Carl Lindhal has called for scholars to ‚Ä˜stop assuming that folk culture is in
every way opposed to elite and is always that which is lost in the translation
from speech to writing‚Ä™: ‚Ä˜The Oral Undertones of Late Medieval Romance‚Ä™,
in W. F. H. Nicolaisen (ed.), Oral Tradition in the Middle Ages, Medieval and
Renaissance Texts and Studies, 112 (New York: SUNY, 1995), p. 60.
64. See Fox, Oral and Literate Culture, p. 19. Cressy, Literacy, accounts for the
discrepancy between reading and writing skills.
65. For prejudices against illiteracy, see Cressy, Literacy, chapter 1.
66. ‚Ä˜Text as Interpretation: Mark and After‚Ä™, in John Miles Foley (ed.), Oral Tra-
dition in Literature (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986), p. 161.
Ong is quoting Brian Stock‚Ä™s The Implications of Literacy: Written Language
and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1983), p. 31; Stock‚Ä™s comment is equally valid in
an early modern context. For a later period, David Vincent has commented
that the ‚Ä˜vocabulary of aspiration‚Ä™ towards literacy ‚Ä˜was derived directly or
indirectly from the Church‚Ä™: Literacy and Popular Culture: England 1750‚Ä“1914
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 5.
67. See Harvey J. Graff, introduction to Literacy and Social Development in the
West: A Reader, Cambridge Studies in Oral and Literate Culture, 3 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1981). For the stimulus towards education brought
about across Europe both by the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation,
see Houston, Literacy, pp. 35‚Ä“7. On how a suspicion of illiterates operated
interdenominationally, see chapter 2, pp. 56, 81. A nuanced restatement of
the association between Protestantism and greater levels of literacy can be
found in R. A. Houston, Scottish Literacy and the Scottish Identity (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 148‚Ä“58.
68. Quotation from David Cressy, ‚Ä˜The Environment for Literacy: Accomplish-
ment and Context in Seventeenth-Century England‚Ä™, chapter 3 in Daniel
P. Resnick (ed.), Literacy in Historical Perspective (Washington: Library of
Congress, 1983), p. 28. See also Hunt, Art of Hearing.
69. ‚Ä˜Puritans and the Dark Corners of the Land‚Ä™, Transactions of the Royal Historical
Society, 5th ser., vol. 13 (1963), pp. 77‚Ä“102.
70. See Adam Fox, ‚Ä˜Aspects of Oral Culture and its Development in Early Modern
England‚Ä™, Cambridge PhD thesis, 1993, chapter 6. Aubrey‚Ä™s comment on the
perceived supplanting of oral Ô¬Āctions by printed matter is well known: ‚Ä˜many
good Bookes, and variety of Turnes of Affaires, have put all the old Fables out of
dores: and the divine art of Printing and Gunpowder have frighted away Robin-
good-fellow and the Fayries‚Ä™ (p. 290). All Aubrey quotations are taken from
John Aubrey. Three Prose Works, ed. John Buchanan-Brown (Fontwell: Cen-
taur Press, 1972). Cf. Reginald Scot, The Discoverie of Witchcraft, ed. Brinsley
180 Notes to pages 14‚Ä“16
Nicholson (London: Elliot Stock, 1986): ‚Ä˜But Robin goodfellowe ceaseth now
to be much feared, and poperie is sufÔ¬Ācientlie discovered‚Ä™ (p. xx). See chapter
2 below, pp. 75‚Ä“80.
71. For a classic discussion of the relationship between religion and secret oral
tradition, see Max Weber, The Sociology of Religion, trans. Ephraim Fischoff
(London: Methuen, 1922), p. 67.
72. See Conclusion, pp. 164‚Ä“6.
73. Foley, vol. VII:2, pp. 1109‚Ä“10: discussed in Patrick Collinson, Arnold Hunt
and Alexandra Walsham, ‚Ä˜Religious Publishing in England, 1557‚Ä“1640‚Ä™,
chapter 1 in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, vol. IV (1557‚Ä“
1695), ed. John Barnard and D. F. McKenzie with Maureen Bell (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 54.
74. ‚Ä˜Clown‚Ä™ at this date could imply either a rustic or a jester (OED). For another
anecdote in which a country Catholic worsts a learned Protestant, see ‚Ä˜A Reli-
gious Trage-Comedy‚Ä™, [c.1660‚Ä“85], BL Add. MS 64124, fols. 36a‚Ä“40a. On the
‚Ä˜almost ritual enquiry after news‚Ä™ typical of printed dialogues, see Dagmar
Freist, Governed by Opinion (London: I. B. Tauris, 1997), p. 250.
75. Coleman, Public Reading; Cressy, ‚Ä˜Literacy in Context‚Ä™.
76. Phebe Jensen, ‚Ä˜Ballads and Brags: Free Speech and Recusant Culture in Eliza-
bethan England‚Ä™, Criticism, 40:3 (1998), pp. 333‚Ä“54. Thomas M. McCoog, SJ,
‚Ä˜Playing the Champion: The Role of Disputation in the Jesuit Mission‚Ä™, chap-
ter 7 in Thomas M. McCoog, SJ (ed.), The Reckoned Expense (Woodbridge:
77. E.g. Elizabeth Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change (1st edn,
2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
78. However, as Eamon Duffy reminds us, ‚Ä˜we should not underestimate the extent
to which [Huggarde‚Ä™s] writing [represents] a wider recovery of conservative
conÔ¬Ādence in the later 1550s‚Ä™: ‚Ä˜Conservative Voice‚Ä™, p. 97. A more negative
view can be found in (e.g.) David Loades, Politics, Censorship and the English
Reformation (London: Pinter, 1991), pp. 7, 140‚Ä“2. See also J. W. Martin, Reli-
gious Radicals in Tudor England (London: Hambledon, 1989), chapter 5. On
the Catholic ballads of the Northern Rising, see Dom Bede Camm, Forgotten
Shrines (London: Macdonald & Evans, 1910), pp. 109, 125; and Daniela Busse,
‚Ä˜Anti-Catholic Polemical Writing on the ‚ÄúRising in the North‚ÄĚ (1569) and the
Catholic Reaction‚Ä™, Recusant History, 27:1 (2004), pp. 11‚Ä“30, esp. pp. 21‚Ä“3. I
am grateful to Dr Busse for letting me consult a copy of her paper prior to its